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MIGHT AND RIGHT: THE POWER OF ONE MAN

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(Published in the Bangkok Post, February 17, 2014)

BY PHILIP J CUNNINGHAM

Chess maestro Garry Kasparov has made a small but meaningful contribution to free speech in journalistic circles by challenging the widely-held taboo about invoking Hitler’s name as a cautionary warning.

Anticipating a predictable avalanche of knee-jerk responses negating his argument comparing Putin’s handling of the Sochi Olympics to Hitler’s handling of the Berlin Olympics of 1936, Kasparov made a small but important point: “even Hitler himself wasn’t always Hitler.”

Before Hitler was Hitler, Adolf was just another Adolf. Even if it is taken as a given that Hitler at his worst was the worst tyrant of his time, it does not follow that looking for Hitler-like traits in current leaders is without foundation, nor is it pointless to suggest that certain manipulative populist politicians are sufficiently cold-hearted, ego-driven and skilled enough in methods used by the Nazis that they would turn their country into a private fiefdom if they could get away with it.

Hitler had once been a baby, a little boy, a student, an ambitious provincial, a loser, a loner, a devourer of crackpot ideas who became a charismatic beer hall speaker and organizer of a fringe movement long before he ever won an election or his name became synonymous with evil personified.

If there is a lesson from the rise of Hitler and his Nazi political machine it is that evil needs to be recognized, curbed and contained in a timely manner; it must not be allowed to flower.

Recent history provides shocking examples where an attractive civilized nation morphed into an abhorrent barbaric state in a few short years. The cosmopolitan and culturally rich societies of Taisho Japan and Weimar Germany were both replaced by fascist regimes within a decade.

It’s not an indictment of national DNA; it could happen anywhere.

That’s why everyone, everywhere, has to be vigilant. That’s why America, despite its lip service to elections and the transformative powers Silicon Valley and Hollywood, has to stem the tide of creeping authoritarianism, as epitomized by intrusive spying and over-reliance on guns and drones.

That’s why Thailand, a tropical paradise to the world’s tourists, a Buddhist beacon in a troubled world, has to be on guard against allowing a power-hungry billionaire from taking remote control of the economy and critical government functions.

Laos and Cambodia were routinely described as gentle and idyllic in the old guide books, saw social collapse, and in the case of the Khmer Rouge, the emergence of a political force comparable to Nazism in its paranoid brutality.

The rise of a charismatic leader begs hard questions; what are the mechanisms that make it possible for one person to enjoy such power and influence over fellow citizens?  How can otherwise sensitive and sensible people allow themselves to be led astray by a self-serving, greedy leader who is quick to use, abuse and discard “the people” like a worn-out boat once he crosses the river and starts to climb the mountain of penultimate power?

The process is well-documented in the case of Germany; the Nazis used elections to end all elections, they used propaganda to smother alternative points of view, they used storm troopers and vigilantes to create a spell of shock, awe and fear, and they demolished traditional checks and balances until they had free run of the country.

In reading the recently re-published, “Hitler: The Memoir of a Nazi Insider Who Turned Against the Fuhrer” by Ernst Hanfstaengl, one gets a ringside view of Hitler before he became Hitler. Honest to a fault, the author admits he was dazzled by the Fuhrer’s oratory and audacity, even if the man was homely and lonely and the ideas being expressed were a muddle of crackpot schemes and shallow, callous prejudice.

Reading about how a Harvard-educated historian and musician fell for the Fuhrer sheds light on how people fall for populist leaders. If Hanfstaengl has it right, the folksy charm, the stirring of hope and the skillful use of propaganda blinded people to the diabolical side of things that were hidden in plain sight.

Looking back, if there were any humane way to shutdown Hitler’s political program before it became unstoppable, would that not be a good thing?

There is no Hitler in Thailand today, of course, but tried and tested techniques of Nazi-style populism, propaganda, manipulation and control are evident and cause for concern.

Seeing signs of this, an embattled opposition is crying foul, pointing to the machinations of an ambitious political clan headed by a cult-like leader. The stakes are high. Police storm-troopers in service of the clan have already been deployed, carrying heavy-duty weapons, poised to enforce the ruling clique’s chokehold on power.

Fortunately, rank and file red shirts are already showing signs of seeing through the phony populism; the Yingluck government’s sleazy rice-pricing gamble, hoping to make a cash killing off the sweat and toil of rice farmers puts paid the myth that Pheu Thai is a party for the poor.

Nobody can say for sure where Thailand is going these days as divisive currents run wild and vested interests vie for power.

But the runaway train of ambition and greed of a powerful clan appears to have been momentarily derailed in Bangkok streets and plazas thick with peaceful protesters.

The image of a lone woman on the pavement reciting Buddhist mantras in front of a phalanx of riot police decked out in storm-trooper gear alights a tender hope, that right still has a chance to triumph over might.

She may be a dreamer, but she’s not the only one.



SUTHEP: WHEN HARD TALK IS HEART TALK

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(first published in the Bangkok Post, March 3, 2014)

By Philip J Cunningham


To borrow a formulation often used to describe democracy, a peaceful overthrow of a rotten regime is the worst possible option, except for all the others.

Could the method be any more inefficient? Is it not taking too much effort and heartache to achieve the rather modest stated goal of replacing a problematic prime minister with an interim council?

It’s costing millions in man-hours and millions in cash donations. Worst yet, black hands are combating the peaceful movement with grenade attacks and cold-blooded provocations.

Suthep is a good orator; good enough that listening to his final speech at the Pathumwan stage over the Blue Sky TV link has led me to think he may have turned the corner on the question of incendiary speech.

Things have been said that never should have been said, and every gaffe or poor choice of words is a setback to the movement. But the nature of human conversation, especially among intimates, is to say what is on one’s mind, not hew to the politically correct. 

When the zone of intimacy expands to include a crowd of one hundred thousand and is simultaneously broadcast on the Internet, a perception gap emerges. Who are these vulgar people speaking in ways that one is unaccustomed to hearing on national television?

Talking tough is an art and speaking to the crowd in vernacular is full of pitfalls; not everyone can pull it off.

However, watching Suthep evolve as an orator in recent months, observing him as he becomes a vehicle for something quasi-spiritual that transcends the muddy roots of his own political past, I think he has begun to master the medium.

The measured tone Suthep achieved in his Pathumwan “performance” demonstrates a skillful command of the language of the street. And when you are on the street, why not speak thus? Not just because the street has been the locus of his struggle and temporary home for his stoic followers but because there is wisdom in the linguistic back alleys and slangy by-ways of street talk.

When Suthep talks, he is, first and foremost, talking to followers who appreciate his humour, the avuncular twinkle in his eye, the ability to say the kind of things that many think, and perhaps confide with friends, but dare not enunciate out loud in public.

When engaged in a prolonged war of wills with a wealthy clan that has seized control of the reins of governance, to speak the language of diplomacy would be to play into the hands of one’s nemesis. 

Why deploy a fruity, politically correct term such as “Her Excellency the Prime Minister of Thailand Yingluck Shinawatra” when “Miss Flower” makes the same point, only better? It’s shorthand, but it’s immediately understandable and touches on the politically relevant issue of passive pretty that is absent in the more formal title.

Why lend credence to the off-putting scheming and deceptive diplomatic talk of Shinawatra in-law, “Dr. Surapong Tovichakchaikul, Caretaker Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs” when “Baldy” will suffice? 

Why engage in a linguistic kowtow to the opportunistic “Caretaker Labour Minister Chalerm Yoobamrung, the chief of the Centre for Maintaining Peace and Order”
when the term “Thaksin lackey” gets to the heart of the matter?

Think of it like a battle between tabloids and broadsheet.

Tabloids sell better than broadsheets in Thailand, so if you are a politician engaged in a life and death struggle on the streets, a struggle that requires keeping in tune with, and in touch with the masses of people engaged in peaceful rebellion, why not have a little fun while trying to tell it like it is?

Just as there is no room for hate speech there should be no limits on humor.

Think of it as a choice between using birth names and nicknames. It has been observed that Thais love using nicknames, and will almost always chose a short, snappy term over a polysyllabic one, especially among friends and comrades. 

The anti-Shinawatra forces are good demonstrators. Record-breaking marches, non-violent occupations and sit-ins have been carried off like clockwork. If they keep the discipline of peace, despite the onslaught from hidden hands of terror, they will transform Thailand for the better.

Mr. Suthep says pointblank that the violence comes from Thaksin’s side. I don’t know how he knows this, I don’t even know if he knows this, but if he is right, then dialogue is futile and failure of the popular movement is not an option.

Everyone agrees that Thailand needs some fine-tuning, and a shutdown followed by reset is one way to achieve that. An honorable interim government is another.

Whether or not street protest is the best way to get to where they want to go, the method has been its own best medicine. It harks back to reassuring Thai roots, the walkways and folkways of the village, rather than the mean, machine-dominated streets.

It’s a therapeutic return to the rhythms of communal life, so richly in evidence at sit-ins and demonstration stages, the playful occupations and spirited marches. 

It’s a celebration of a vanishing folk culture in which people still walk and talk together, a world that’s frugal but generous, where people share what they have, and lend a helping hand to strangers; it’s a celebration of shared meals in open air, with music and comic entertainment for all to hear, admission free.

It’s an affirmation of the best in Thai tradition, the hospitality shack in the dusty village where strangers may slake thirst, chat and relax. Living communally is a bulwark against the inroads of turbo-capitalism and acidic CEO style greed; it’s a rejection of the materialistic, atomized world in which the tycoon is king, the billionaire the bossman.

Yes, Square-pants, it’s all about you.

Move over, please. The Muan maha prachachon movement offers a cleaner, greener vision of Thailand, on the road to mending its ways.

WATCHING THE WATCHDOGS WATCHING US

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by Philip J Cunningham

Good journalism has boundaries but it knows no borders. It is not without guidelines and a guiding spirit, but it is not beholden to any person or power. We live in an age of disruption, in which the old paradigm of mass media dominated by TV and newspapers is being transformed by the promise and pitfalls of the interactive web. The new way of doing things both informs and infuriates the guardians of traditional media, as the new way of doing things poses serious challenges.  Ultimately the new and old will be absorbed and incorporated by the best and most adept as the media reinvents itself.

Luo Changping, former deputy editor of Caijing is a prophet of the new media system that is emerging at a time of diminished TV viewing and newspaper profitability. He embraces the potential of social networks, such as Weibo and WeChat, to bypass traditional media bureaucracy and get the word out, but the professional quality of his work reflects the values of traditional media even as he goes outside the system.

Luo Changping left the traditional media, but he didn't hang up his hat as journalist when he walked out of the door of Caijing. Instead he continues to invesigate, based on verifiable sources, on issues for which he has a passion. 

Writing in Nieman Reports, a Harvard University publication dedicated to elevating the quality of journalism, Luo states that Weibo and WeChat "have brought a degree of freedom of speech and freedom of association, emphatically replacing the stringently regulated traditional media and becoming the main battleground of social discourse."

His word choice is bombastic, but what comes through is his passion, and passion is the operative term, because journalism is hard work. When done poorly, it reflects poorly on the person who produces it. When done well, it may benefit society as a whole but it is also likely to make someone, somewhere upset, even bent on vengeance. 

Given the cacophony of today's 24/7 news streams and countless blogs and personal media, a whistle blower needs the reach of the traditional media without its constraints. Social networks are notoriously fickle, but they do have the ability to break wide, reproducing a message or meme for the whole world to see. 

Going viral isn't just a pop option; without it the web-based watchdog has no bark, let alone bite. 

In the old media paradigm, the power to shine light in dark places was beyond the ken of a single individual. There's much truth to the adage that the only way to have a free press is to own one, but the good news is that ownership is getting inexpensive, accessible and thus potentially empowering to anyone with a smartphone or a computer and a decent internet connection. 

Media has never been free, not in terms of content, and not in terms of money, but it is probably freer than ever today. The Internet revolution, which is the Gutenberg moment of our times, now makes it possible for an ordinary person with a microblog to achieve for a few pennies what once the prerogative of tycoons and their publishing empires. 

A citizen publisher can reach a potential audience of millions with the push of a button, but the hard work of investigation, fact-checking, writing and editing is as difficult as ever, and maybe even more so. 

One advantage of the old, vertical system is the division of labor. A reporter is fact-checked and edited, and then green-lighted, or not, by an editor who has an owner or a leadership team to answer to, and a readership to be responsible to, while also serving as a arbiter of taste, tone and suitability.

The whistle-blower can rarely afford such a backup crew, and as lone ronin, they only have their own sword to fall on when things go wrong. 

Despite the risks of being wrong, or wronged, whistle-blowers usually go rogue. With a persecution complex that may well be reality-based, they slash at windmills and slug it out solo in the belief that their words must be free. They have lost faith in the system, but not in society. They fear the system will tone down, if not totally extinguish, the information that society needs to correct itself.

What is refreshing about the Luo Changping case is that he insisted on naming names, starting with his own, and then that of the powerful target of his probe, China Resources Chairman, Liu Tienan. Ditto for Wang Wenzhi who writes for the Economic Information Daily newspaper but resorted to using his real-name Weibo account to name and shame a high-ranking official named Song Lin.

This is bold, if not breath-taking, in a media environment beholden to the powers that be. Fortunately for both Luo Changping and Wang Wenzhe, the courage of their convictions is backed by factual evidence and matched by the seriousness of the government's drive to uncover corruption.

Nowadays, anyone can be a publisher, but not everyone does a good job of it. As the net matures, and the annoying agitation of trolls, slanderers and purveyors of hate speech are calmed by the feedback mechanisms by which the Internet controls and corrects itself, the new breed of citizen publishers will learn a lesson that traditional publishers have long since grappled with; with the power to influence comes the need for courage and caution, reflection and responsibility.

(first published in China Daily, April 21, 2014)


Silver lines in thunder clouds

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Note:  There has been a predictable outcry from the international press about the most recent coup in Thailand. A coup is admittedly a less than ideal way for a nation to get its house in order. However, as long as the coup is peaceful, and keeps the peace, there is something to be said for its efficacy as a short-term measure to re-set a broken democracy.

by Philip Cunningham

Practice doesn't make perfect, but the silken way the Thai military can pull off a silent, secret coup without a shot being fired calls for level of choreography akin to that of traditional Thai dance; slow and controlled, balanced and dextrous. Amazing to behold, smooth in execution but mysterious and of unknown import.

A peaceful coup well-received by the populace is one of those "very Thai" rites of passage that comforts and confounds, dazzles and dismays. Part of what makes it so confounding, especially to foreign analysis, is the apparent comfort it brings to so many locals who have lived through many quiet coups and seem no worse for the wear.

It's not just the poker-faced insouciance of leading military figures that elicits fear-tinged admiration, and consternation, in equal measure, but the practiced receptivity of the populace as well, some of whom were crying, others whom were calling it a victory, but all of whom took it coolly and in stride.

It is very easy to imagine a coup being a terrible bloody affair in countries without a history of coups, in part because the populace would panic, over-react, or misread the signals, but in Thailand a coup carries a sense of continuity with the interplay of familiar archetypes. Thailand's coup-inured populace recognizes the signals; the shutdown of TV, the sight of rifle toting soldiers, the sand-bagged intersections, the predictable martial music.

It's a time to re-organize and retreat, a time to watch and wait. It's like a periodic holiday in which the impossible traffic slows momentarily and the frenetic pace of hard work and hedonistic play comes to an almost-welcome halt, like a mandatory timeout in an exhausting game,or less brightly, a mandatory period of mourning.

As such, the step-up in security and martial order is a time to reflect on all victims of random attacks and bitter partisan violence that has plagued Thailand for months. If the tit-for-tat attacks stop, the dark silent thunder of the coup may show a silver lining after all.

It's a time to reflect on the nature of imperfect governance and the pitfalls of outsized desire and greed, a time to reflect on basic Buddhist wisdom and the nonpartisan karmic wheel of human folly.

It's a momentary return to simple, local rhythms, the long tropical evening quieted by curfew-curbed nightlife, a time enjoy the simple pleasures of the natural cycles of village-oriented life.  Whether it's a slow day enjoying snack food an fruit on the sidewalk of the Soi, or a gaze away from TV and computer screens to behold the wonders of nature as night sets in and the growing chorus of frogs and insects ring in the rainy season, the future is not without hope despite the clouded sky.

It's a time to talk, to think to ponder, a time for temperate debate and constructive dialogue. All parties in the political impasse, the military no less than others, need to employ restraint, caution and consideration of how their actions redound on brother and sister citizens and foreign guests alike.

It would be a pity if the coup dislocates without resetting, if it shakes things up just for show. Without the necessary follow up of reform and redress for past injustice, a coup can quickly become counter-productive, as was the case in the adeptly executed but weakly administered Bangkok coup of 2006.

With the formal declaration of a coup by General Prayuth Chan-Ocha, who on May 26 was installed as the new Prime Minister, the stakes for making mistakes are high. With great power comes great responsibility. It is hoped that the military will rise to the occasion to bring together good minds to institute much-needed reform that will lead to a peaceful and promising return to civilian governance.

The tendency for power to beget greed for more power is as universal and uncannily human as the tendency for the accumulation of wealth to beget greed; it is the uncommon soldier who can risk all in a coup and then voluntarily cede power to others. But the interesting case of good soldier Surayud Chulanont, who served as prime minister after the bloodless Bangkok coup of September 19, 2006 suggests that self-restraint and humility do not suffice in the volatile vacuum created in the aftermath of a coup.

The task facing a conscientious coup-maker is as thankless as it is difficult.

The new power-holder needs to redress accumulated injustice, and be as fair as possible with rivals and allies alike; transformative change is called for. The risk otherwise being that the same old actors with the same old addictions to power and material greed will join the fray and once again rise to the fore.

Corruption means different things to different people, but it is commonly viewed through the bifocals of a double standard; the tendency is to look the other way if close friends and allies engage in it, while chastising distant enemies and rivals for the same.

What is important is equal application of the law, with no one lording over anyone else.

To chastise rival political players while letting their bankers and backers go free is to invite a repeat situation in which only the names are changed. Non-violence should be the guiding principle, with universally acknowledged legal protections for those accused of corruption, but nothing short of a thorough-going overhaul is called for.

The coup group led by General Prayuth has gotten off to a sober and no-nonsense start, immediately addressing the needs of cash-strapped farmers who were victims of the previous regime's corrupt populism schemes. It's also heartening to see a shake up in a moribund police department that did little or nothing to apprehend those guilty of a long string of grenade attacks aimed at the political opposition. Crimes are at last being solved, corruption is being uncovered daily.

For better or worse, the reset button on the Thai state has been hit and a re-booting of the operating system must follow. The bugs, glitches and malware that infected and vexed the state apparatus under the operating system of the previous administration would be best identified, boxed off and isolated so as not to infect the system over and over again.

People Power Forever

From Tiananmen Moon

TIANANMEN LOCKDOWN

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This is an account of a visit to Tiananmen Square in quiet commemoration of the events of 1989. On June 2, 2014 security was extremely tight, but it was possible to spend half a day on the Square. The third of June, I went by the Square again only to find it eerily empty.  On that date, which marked the onset of the violent crackdown of 1989, the Square was closed down for almost the whole day because of the "coincidental" scheduling of a state reception for a minor foreign dignitary, hosted at the Great Hall of the People. 

June 2, 2014

Border crossing onto Tiananmen Square;
Still under lockdown after all these years

by Phil

I approached the Square from Qianmen which back in the old days of the Qing Dynasty was the traditional gate into the Forbidden City; nowadays it's the gate to a quasi-forbidden public square. In better times, one used to just walk onto the Square, from almost any direction, at almost any time. It was wide, inviting and open to the public, but over the years it has been circumscribed and carefully fenced in from every angle. It turns out that the only way to enter from the south is to go underground and pass through the easterly entrance of the Qianmen subway station, which has X-ray bag checks as a general security measure. From there one walks up a narrow staircase and emerges onto the southern perimeter of the Square, only to enter a maze of crowd-control fencing with signs warning against trying to jump the fence. After zigzagging through the chrome maze, there's a short breakway and then a line of people waiting to enter the Square, bottled up by a security shack guarding another fenced in area, passage through which leads to the Square proper.

The movement of people was guided like that of farm animals in a fenced in corral, there's only one way in and it involves individual security checks as thorough as immigration or at an airport. There's a line for ID check; it turned out that foreigners (I was the only one at that moment) must have passports, no other ID would do.

The line moved slowly, almost imperceptibly. The way people are processed seems a deterrent from that helps keep the Square free of crowds; the work pace seemed deliberate and slow;  staggered out to limit entrance to the Square. I watched the Chinese day trippers ahead of me endure ID check, frisking and bag checks. The line had about 50 waiting, all Chinese, most docile, some hiding under umbrellas to keep away the hot rays, others smoking, which only made the wait worse. After a fifteen minute delay in the hot sun, and another 15 minute delay for the man who took my passport to clear it with his supervisor, I had the privilege of being questioned and frisked. My bag was X-rayed and then hand-inspected. The book I carried, about Chinese revolutionary Xiao San, was looked at with curiosity and thumbed through. Had I been carrying my own book,  Tiananmen Moon, it would have been game-stopper. Those behind me on line were inspected and let in, one by one, while I was delayed because the cop didn't like the look of my visa, nor did he seem pre-disposed to like foreigners for that matter,

The atmosphere was lackadaisical yet tense; a few gatekeeper and guards lorded over the hou polloi public rather imperiously, taking their time, and singling out certain individuals for more intrusive checks than others. When I finally got to the front of the line, the uniformed agent who examined my passport started snapping commands to me in incomprehensible English. And then in very comprehensible Chinese, he addressed the crowd. "Is anyone with him or is he alone?" The only thing that was clear was that I wasn't going anywhere soon. He gestured that I should step aside while he tried to ascertain what kind of visa I was on. I told him I couldn't understand what he was saying, he said he'd call a supervisor who spoke better English. I said why don't we speak in Chinese and save some time. I said I was on a visit, he wasn't satisfied with my minimal explanation. He got busy on his phone, trying to find out what certain markings meant on my visa. As the crowd shuffled past me for bag inspections and ID checks, the cop started to walk away; I told him to return my passport. He stopped, glaring at me angrily. Meanwhile, a tall older man brushed against me, cigarette dangling as he waited his turn to enter the security booth.  I asked him not to smoke next to me. The cop was taken aback. "Who are you telling him not to smoke?  Even I don't have the right to tell him that. He can smoke if he wants." I said his smoke bothers me, my not smoking does not bother him, it's not equal. That earned a suppressed grin, but no rapport. We regarded one another as if in a face off, each the other's nemesis. The inspector stayed right next to me, like a cop who has collared a suspect. We whiled away the time, exchanging terse comments, me pressing him to speed it up, him clutching onto my passport until his supervisor came. I said do you like doing this? Isn't this boring (wuliao) and he snapped, what job isn't boring? I said last time I visited there was not much security, what's with this, something about 6/4?  He stared knowingly, a thin smile breaking on his tight lips, but didn't answer.
The supervisor arrived at last. "This is the guy, he speaks Chinese (ta hui shuo zhongwen...") announced the inspector.

The supervisor smiled and was rather pleasant, in comparison to the ball-buster beat cop who was now hand-copying my passport number on a piece of paper. The supervisor asked amiably, visiting people? Yeah. Where? Shida. Are you a reporter? No, I am not a reporter. A teacher? Yeah, you could say that, but not at Shida. He took my passport and the notepaper from the beat cop, looked at my visa,  but then handed me the paper by mistake. I said, no thanks, I'd rather have my passport back. He smiled and quickly corrected himself.

He said I was free to go on, and in parting I said your subordinate needs to learn more about visas; he doesn't know about visa types which wasted a lot of everyone's time. The beat cop was appropriately humble in front of his supervisor, he said he would study more. (Xuexi, xuexi). Then my passport was checked again, my bag X-rayed and hand searched and I was "free" to walk out onto the empty downtown plaza ringed with the heaviest security I have ever seen.

I found myself at last on a public square where police vehicles were parked and idling in every nook and cranny, and the adjacent street facing museum and running the length of the square entirely closed off to traffic, other than crowd control busses and security vehicles. Mounted cameras seemed to whir from every other pole, and temporary fencing, in addition to the more permanent fencing that has been put in place over the years, gave the open vista of the people's plaza a confining, penned-in feeling, like a giant prison yard.

Men in uniform patrolled and watched at every juncture, sometimes they would approach people already on the Square for a follow up security check or interrogation. I saw only five foreigners on the Square in the two and a half hour period leading to sunset and the lowering of the flag. three of whom, young blond women, were stopped for no apparent reason.  They looked a little scared so I asked them if everything was alright, which of course prompted the cops to turn their sights to me, asking if we were together. A female officer ushered me away when it became obvious I wasn't with the other foreigners. Nearby empty busses and police vehicles idled and sat in the setting sun, ready to process detainees in the hundreds, if necessary. But the crowd was thin, and generally docile and nothing much happened. Content the three foreign ladies were not being unduly abused, I moved on, aware of being observed from many different angles, from prowling security staff on foot and on wheel. There were conspicuous plainsclothesmen studying new arrivals at entrance staircases from underground passages, on the north face of the Square, even though visitors had already passed through checkpoints on the way in.

The centerpiece of the Square,  the Monument of the People's Heroes was unapproachable; fully fenced off, and even taking photos with my phone camera of that stone obelisk provoked some alert stares from security personnel. There were "garbage collectors" riding around on electric scooters, but they frequency with which they passed me when I decided to sit down in a spot of shade next to a police truck suggested they had other duties as well. The crowd was sparse and mostly provincial visitors from what I could see. There were two affable Tibetan monks, or perhaps two jokers dressed as monks, for they wore rainbow beanie cap umbrellas on their heads and couldn't take enough pictures of one another. About the only sign of normalcy was seeing families with small kids, who as ever, romped about without political cares and urinated openly on the Square instead of making the long trek to the public restrooms, which would have involved another security check to return.

The early June sun was hot and unforgiving, but the constant monitoring and suspicion of any kind of human interaction made for a cold reception. One of the handful of Caucasians on the Square by chance came to be standing next to me at the railing overlooking at the boulevard and Mao's portrait on the other side. The mere, inadvertent proximity of two foreigners quickly raised pert stares and suspicious glances from the well-bullt T-shirted men guarding the north side of the Square. It's as if they saw us as co-conspirators.

I said hello to a few people, and got one smile, but that was about it. Otherwise there was an unusual degree of silence about scattered, lightly peopled crowd. The sober mood was pierced by a few of the awkward "hallows" one gets from quirky provincials,  and one brazen "Hello-where-are-you-from?" routine from two enterprising bar-girls who braved security measures to seek prey in a captive location. "We are from Harbin. What is your country?" I humored them long enough to sense a routine, and then brushed them off; I had been interrogated enough for one day. A few minutes later they were talking to a foreign man, asking the same questions. Before I walked out of earshot I heard them suggesting he join them for a beer, probably at a bar of their choice with extravagant prices, or so goes the scam.

The open vista around the monument has for some time been blocked by two elongated television screens showing scenes of beautiful China and the latest lame slogans from the party. The screen on the west flank sits pretty much where the hunger strikers did a quarter of a century ago.  Nestled in the southeast corner of the monument, where the students had their headquarters in the broadcast tent, stood an empty guard post and a do not enter sign.

There were policing techniques that were new to me, at least as seen on the Square. Police patrolled the perimeter with hefty-looking guard dogs. There were several police scooting around on Segways. There were periodic brisk marching movements of men in formation, going nowhere in particular. There were armored vehicles and tow trucks and black-windowed vans and green army trucks. It was like China's version of the US security state, no expense spared to keep Tiananmen under wraps.

I watched the sun set and red flag go down. I thought about how political lies and denial of history continues to hurt and haunt China.

And then I walked. I walked out of the prison pen and back into the real world. I ambled along Changan Boulevard, then went up to Donghuamen. From there I threaded through the portion of the Forbidden City open to the public, which, for all the horrors of imperial history, was tranquil, majestic and at peace with itself. I walked past the secretive compound of Zhongnanhai, where the living leaders of China were safely guarded with a fraction of the manpower and hardware deployed to make sure nothing happened on the cold paving stones of an empty Square. I circled past Beihai and Jingshan Park and walked on to Houhai, where it was just another raucous fun night for youthful revelers with no memory and little knowledge of Tiananmen in 1989.






sent by Phil

SLUMMING IN BANGKOK

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 (An excerpt from "Birds of Paradise" )


 A European tour group nervously skitters by, rushing in the torrid heat to board the air-conditioned bus parked in front of the tourist emporium. Bun tugs John's arm, pulling him to the side to make room for the unthinking horde of stumbling foreigners who have every appearance of being members of John's own tribe, however distant. 
“Watch out!” she exclaims, making way for the heavy-footed tourists blinded by the unblinking heat.
"Fa-rang..” he mutters. The word leaves his lips before he really has time to think about it. It both pleases and pains him to take the Thai view, reducing his “own kind” to type.
 "Look!" she nudges, pausing next to an artfully painted pushcart containing four glass tanks. Iced cut fruit is on display, sorted by color: yellow, orange, rose and green. She eschews the messy pineapple and melon, instead opting a bag of green-skinned guava chunks and a bag of rose apples.
 “Farang for farang,” she teases, stabbing a sharp stick into the green bag, extracting a chunk of guava.
 “Why do they call guava farang anyway?” he answers, getting the joke but not the linguistics. “I could never figure that out.”
Bun dips the guava into a plastic bag containing spiced salt and holds it up in front of his mouth. “Eat farang,” she teases. The scent of freshly squeezed orange juice, jasmine garlands, urine and diesel exhaust mingle in olfactory point and counterpoint as he let the fruit slide into his mouth and slowly breaks it into smaller chunks with his front teeth.
  “And what’s that?” he asks, looking at the reddish-green fruit. “Isn’t that, what do they call it, rose apple?
  “Chompu for Chompoo.
  “What do you mean?”
  “My name is same-same. I am Chompoo.” She snares a piece of cut fruit and holds it up to his mouth.
  “Eat me.”
  John feels a surge of energy coming on; even if she doesn’t know the nuance of her word choice he does, and it stirs him. He’s getting that familiar feeling, the feeling he had on the bridge.
  For an intimate instant, he had become oblivious to the impatient rush hour throng that is slipping and sliding past them as they enjoy a rare moment of intimacy. They are locked in a visual embrace while the commuter foot flow parts into two streams to rush past them. Again he is seized with the Neanderthal desire to pounce on her and take her back to his cave. It’s a primal urge he has felt before—like after the prom in a steamed-up car parked at the beach, or that time strolling with a date across the campus suspension bridge to admire the fall foliage, or like when he first entered that space-age love hotel with his first Japanese girl—but the urge to merge has never hit him on a teeming, screaming street corner before.
“Do you like me?” she asks teasingly.
 “Rose Apple of my eye,” he replies in kind, reaching for her hand.
 “What do you do?” she asks, flustered. She pulls free.
 “I feel like I know you.”
 “You know me? I am just a poor girl.”
  Impatient, but largely polite, people whisk by with smooth abandon as they carry on their banter, almost at a whisper pitch. They stand united in opposition to the flow, isolated with immobility, like an island in the stream.
  “Oh, Bun, Bun, Bun. I only want the best for you. It’s not your fault the world is the way it is.”
 “I can trust you?”
 “I want to say yes. But you know what, you don’t know me, and I don’t know you. Not yet, anyway.”
 “You are honest man.”
 “I like what I see.”
 “You think I am shanty girl? Cheap girl?”
 “No, just a regular person, a nice person.”
 “You won’t hurt me?”
 “No, of course not. I respect women.” Yeah, right. Never meant to hurt any of the other girls either, he thinks, conjuring up the image of the trembling leaf of a girl he had blithely loved and left in the dust on that bend in the country road.
 “You say funny things.”
 “I do?”
 “After talking to you on the bridge, I think about you many times,” she says. “I hate you and I like you.”
 “I’ve been thinking about you too.”
 “Really?” she bends her head to the side and smiles, weighing the thought.
 “It’s hard to explain, but you just make me want to believe, you just being you.”
 “Believe what?”
 “I don’t know. Little things, big things, everything.”
 The whistling drone of a bamboo organ fills the air around their feet. A skinny old man squatting on the curb is playing the khaen, blowing air from deep in his lungs through his lips, breathing life into the bamboo instrument. The airy repetitive tune is wistful and haunting, evoking the doleful beauty of hard times.
 The bewildering immediacy he feels in her presence gives every echo, every innuendo added significance. When she touches his arm and whispers something about “Come see where I live,” his heart misses a beat.
 This is your life, John Joyce, son of Miss Mary Joyce and an unmentionable married man from a far way land. You grew up in Huntington Beach, Orange County. This is happening to you. Do It!
 He plunges forward, following her as she deftly merges with the erratic flow of foot traffic on the left. He tails her closely, pent-up with rising expectations, as she glides along a narrow stretch of open pavement sided with the mats and makeshift stalls of sidewalk merchants selling tourist trinkets, cheap toys, refrigerator magnets, fake watches, used books, pirated software, and cassette music tapes. They keep in formation, single file, to better thread through gaps in the crowd and traverse narrow passages more efficiently.
 Look at the way she gently sways, even in flip-flops. It makes him want to place his hands on her hips and drive her home. Perhaps the lewd fantasy is not entirely far-fetched, but a premonition, he’s actually on his way home to her room. Her room. Her. He is doubly pleased to see that while she is definitely not selling herself, she is not necessarily unavailable, either, at least not in any obvious way, and that gives him hope, though he can’t be sure about her intentions when he’s not even sure of his own. She’s apparently holding down an honest job in that open-air Internet cafe, though what she does there amidst the lowlife, native and foreign, is still something of a mystery. She has the penmanship of a calligraphist and keeps company with social activists—that’s a positive sign—she can’t be completely down and out if she has time for other people’s problems. So he’s beginning to get the distinctly excellent and elevated feeling of knowing he just might have, just possibly, stumbled upon his kind of girl. A new kind of ‘his kind of’ girl. An artist and an activist. He knows it’s real because his feet have already left the stained sidewalk and he’s walking on air. It’s parched and torrid out there and yet the low blazing sun is as soothing as peaches and cream.
 Connecting with her, being in contingent proximity to her has somehow allowed him to move unruffled past the inevitable “Hey you!” and “Mitsu-ter you buy!” shouts of the gutter merchants on the left and sullen stares of garbage pickers on the right. He feels he has almost gone native, as he nimbly darts the little obstacles that keep popping up along this sadly situated floating market. Even the footbridge is a cluttered mess, a beggar or mendicant on every other step, a homeless woman here, a limbless man there, each submitting their chafed plastic cups to the quirky compassion of jaded strangers. And yet all this he take in stride, so thrilled he is with a spirited young soul-mate who shows no shyness about walking with a farang in public.
 After clearing the bridge and the clutter of stalls at the foot of the bridge, they are hit by a sudden abundance of open space upon reaching the open concrete plaza of a the gargantuan shopping center that dominates the view in these parts They step inside, tasting the cool perfume-scented air of a Japanese department store but he starts to complain about how much he hates big shopping centers, so they quickly pop back out into the muggy heat, exiting into the parking lot. They cut across a parking lot and she points out a ramshackle low-rise settlement of tin-roofed shacks glowing in the golden rays of the setting sun. Towering over the humble community are two giant billboards; one is an ad for shampoo featuring a flawless fair-skinned beauty with jet-black Cleopatra style hair, staring out into space; the other, an ad for a Japanese luxury sedan, on the other side of a canal, rises above a car-clogged intersection. Off to the left of that, a giant bowling pin shines like a shrine under spotlights.
 They cut through the rear parking lot of the mall, unnoticed by the legions of pale-skinned Japanese senior citizens faithfully lining up to catch their sturdy double-decker Japanese bus back to the Japanese hotel after an afternoon of converting yen to baht to make yen for the upscale Japanese department store.
 After treading through a weeded patch, littered with garbage and dog shit, they skirt an abandoned construction site in the shadow of an abandoned office tower. They detour through a partially excavated lot rimmed with heaps of rusted metal and uprooted, desiccated trees. To the left rises a mountain of garbage, where younger kids scamper up and down merrily, as if in a playground. Closer by older kids kick a soccer ball in a clearing, and due to an errant kick, ball comes rolling right by them. John gives it a solid kick, foot-bawn as his buddies called it, was the only sport that really mattered in his Thai high school, and gets a volley of thanks before the kids resume play. Bun leads the way along a sandy path to the top of an artificial hill of packed earth, sand, gravel on the edge of a recessed construction site. The view from the top offers a comprehensive view of the place she calls home.
Sprawled out before them lies an elongated “L” shaped settlement of flimsy huts with rusty tin rooftops situated on the bank of an east-west canal with murky waters and overgrown banks, and delimited by a huge tree-lined walled compound that lurks to the west. To the south there lies a walled temple compound, and hooking around that on the far left, a lean-to lined walkway leading south. A drainage ditch, its muddy waters picking up the last light of the sun meanders through the hemmed in community until it disappears in the undergrowth. Overall the view is green and pleasing to the eye at first glance, given the profusion of trees, wild weeds and hardy plant growth in this niche world without cars. The refuse heaps, oily waterways, barking dogs and curlicues of smoke from cooking fires suggest it is a slum, a shantytown, but it is also has the aspect of a village. John takes in the vista in thoughtful silence, trying not to dwell on the filth in the foreground. He can’t think of anything to say for the longest time until the afterglow of sunset draws his attention to the kaleidoscope hues of a psychedelic sky. To the north, a massive stand of whitewashed condominiums looms with menacing beauty, like twinkling tombstones against the violet of the coming night. To the south and west, the golden spires, pointed prangs and soaring rooftops cut black silhouettes against the ruddy horizon, while the proud, angular tangerine roof of the Peacock Hotel rises in the distance over the olive treetops of its neatly groomed botanical refuge.
 “You have a nice view here,” he proffers at last.
 “I do?”
 “Well, except for the garbage.”
 “Can we meet again sometime?” she asks, unsure if he is making fun of her or not.
 "Sure, how about Friday night, after I get done teaching?”
 "Can you find this place?”
  “Sure, nice view, I’ll be here.”
  “I take you to a bus.”
  She leads him along a rubble-strewn path through a weed-covered lot, where a number of bulldozers sit idle, until they get to the edge of a shallow creek. From there cross a fetid drain ditch laced with oily black liquid on a single wobbly plank, then traipse along a winding unkempt path until they are back at place where the main road meets the canal.




  John unbolts the stiff, termite-scarred shutters of the bedroom window and leans out for some hot tropical air. Tendrils of rain dangle from distant clouds, irrigating temple spires and thirsty trees. As the storm blows over and the rain is reduced to a faint trickle and drizzle, a low breeze begins to rise over the rooftops, stirring limp flags and neglected shirts on laundry lines, heralding the arrival of evening. Rush hour is underway, a drama of impatient motion and patient immobility, as commuters endure endless contractions of stop-and-go traffic to get out of the city. The city sucks in cars at sunrise and spits them out again at sunset, like whale feeding on plankton, always eating, always expelling, always hungry. A commuter train wrapped in eye-catching ads slithers along an elevated concrete conduit like a tree viper, swallowing and disgorging prey on high perches. John’s eye follows the train as it threads in and out of view, passing weathered shop-houses, vertiginous billboards and stainless-steel towers. It courses by swiftly and surely, defying the automotive swell that is already beginning to jam the streets below.
 The place he calls home is a picturesque rental with an angular Thai roof and a small yard, just the sort of place he and Sombat could not begin to afford were it not out of alignment and sinking faster on one side than on the other. The uneven floors took some getting used to but made a fitting match with the leaky roof as fluids as rain leakage and other spills were uniquely attracted to the slightly lower kitchen side of the floor, leaving the high side suitably dry for a sofa, a low coffee table, piles of books, newspapers and a beat-up guitar. The upstairs of the tiny two-bedroom house suffered the same slant, so it was cluttered with clothes on the good side, empty on the bad, the linoleum-floored bedrooms offering little more than a place to sleep.
 The cobwebbed wooden rafters have never fully shaken their stuffy attic odor and the tint of the cheap plywood paneling did nothing to uplift the soul. The cave-like darkness offered ocular relief from the bleached-out midday sun, but when color came back to the landscape in the late afternoon, the interior was just plain depressing. Now that John is a resident of the big, bright future that he once sacrificed so much for, the emptiness of his existence fills him with dread. No family, no wife, no kids. His mother is dead, his diploma isn’t exactly opening doors and the love of his life is married to a man who wants to kill him. Sometimes it seemed that if it were not for Sombat he wouldn’t have a friend in the world; life was passing him by, faster and faster by the day.

Long before John found himself lost in Thailand, he had been a fairly typical American, smug in his view of the world and content with his country’s privileged place in it. The decline of his Americanism was gradual, and it wasn’t fair to blame it all on the temptations of the tropics. His fancy education had opened his eyes to social inequities, surely at odds job training. It was more like job untraining, making him antagonistic to the world of work before he even graduated. The ease with which he adopted the lofty anti-commerce stance of tenured faculty mentors at his college combined with his Catholic conviction that the meek would inherit the earth, effectively crippled his chances of getting the sort of secure, high-paying, money-grubbing job that some of his classmates went for, offering them a kind of security he lacked. Graduation was supposed to mean entry into an adult world of bigger and better things, like finding a career, settling down and starting a family, but to a restless young buck with Thailand on the mind, the mere idea of remaining in America seemed a sociological sentence; he wasn’t sure what he wanted to be, or even where he wanted to be, but he was sure of one thing: he didn’t want his life to be a variation on the collapsed expectations and smothered hopes of his mother.
 LA was his crib, his cradle; and the older he got the more it made his skin crawl. Anywhere far away was promising, the farther the better, but the main point was that he simply had to get away. He got the scholarship as an exchange student in high school. For college, he applied to schools on the opposite coast. And when it came to taking a year off from college, he went back to Thailand, his newfound home away from home. While some of his friends had hitched to Mexico to visit rebels in Chiapas or studied French in France or backpacked in India, “Thai” John had a leg up on them when it came to the Third World thing. He spent his second sojourn in Bangkok hanging out with Sombat and a bunch of like-minded marijuana-toking, girl-tickling, guitar-stroking Thai students.
 That sophomoric year off fucked up his life in ways he was only beginning to fully appreciate. It gave him a heady taste of extreme freedom and the emptiness that went along with it. Bent on making the most of nothing, he patched together a relaxed, largely unstructured existence, teaching just enough English on the side to defray costs. Teaching English conversation in Thailand was tailor made for a man with no plan, it was the kind of thing a native speaker with no qualifications for anything in particular could easily do, but he took it up at his own peril, not realizing it would soon become his default career and in time his only financial lifeline.
Joy was very much in the picture back in those slacker days—looking back on it now it was nothing less than their golden age—but in contrast to his cultivated attempt to be as free as he could be, she was frequently “not free,” due to unyielding family obligations, charitable activities, strategic introductions to business circles, high-end shopping expeditions, getting her hair done, or whatever else it was she had to do to make herself so beautiful and rare.
 He had accepted all this in good cheer, because the romance was budding with the slow predictability of seasonal change; it seemed like it was only a matter of time before she’d plop into his hand like a perfectly ripe piece of juicy fruit, though what eventually happened was more akin to getting hit on the head with a coconut. When he was with Joy, he was as commendable as an altar boy on his best behavior, trying to master polite Thai, learning the social customs and history in a way that would one day impress her prickly parents. He never nursed the hope of impressing her imperious mother, a snob if there ever was one, but at least her good-natured father deigned to converse with him and made him feel like he might some day, in some strained kind of way, sort of become a member of the family.
 But John was footloose and free and he would not permit his intensive tutorial in Thai high society etiquette to consume all his time or energy. Back then he was not just young at heart, as he ached to be now, but actually young in body and reckless in mind. At age nineteen he had been bent on shedding the callow skin of his youth, hoping to trade downy whiskers for a beard, still young and unjaded enough to want to look older and be jaded. He was a glutton for experience, looking to accumulate experience like others ran after money or status; and he wasn’t particularly choosy; any dumb old experience that involved the word “girl” was worth looking into. His early forays into the dark, dank beer-soaked pleasure palaces of Isan had been less-than-inspirational, but he managed to con himself into believing that he was on the verge of something big.
 John was used to fielding female attention, not paying for it, just like he was used to getting scholarships instead of paying for that. Back in his junior year of high school he had been vice-president of the student council, a smooth talker whose stirring speech “The American Way” helped him snag a scholarship to spend a year in Thailand as a grassroots ambassador. “The American way of life is the best way of life for Americans, but it may not apply to other countries as they have different cultures, customs, etc.”
 Once he got over the initial discomfort of being the only white boy on the block in Bangkok, he had learned to savor the extra attention dispensed to “the one who is different.” Being the resident farang at a missionary-run school on the banks of the great muddy river had a certain amount of cachet with both with his schoolmates and with girls from the sister school across the street. He won an unofficial poll as the person “who looked the most international,” according to Sombat, and one student with thick glasses and a weird sense of humor even remarked that John, with his long, flowing locks, looked like Jesus. Stern principal and head priest Brother Romano acknowledged that “holy” look by inviting the lanky young American to pose in his underwear every day for a week as the model for a work of art commissioned to represent athletic excellence. A statue was being made in his likeness! He was the big man on a little campus of eccentric missionary teachers and naughty Thai boys; his rare command of Ing-lit made him more than a student, and something of a linguistic role model.
 Deaf and dumb in Thai upon arrival as most farang, exchange students or otherwise, are wont to be, he found that his aural-oral handicap actually helped him make friends. He was surrounded by a flood of eager volunteers who wanted to translate for him, if only as a means to practice Ing-lit or get his help with their Ing-lit homework. Some of the boys, Sombat included, lost interest in the language thing once having been taught how to say fuck, pussy, ass and dick. Picking up on diminishing interest in English, John insisted on learning some Thai. Sombat was a gifted, twisted teacher in his own way, getting John to say, at the most inappropriate time possible, suggestive words with twin meanings like chak wao, which supposedly meant “fly the kite” but really meant “jerk-off,” and tok pet which sounded like “going fishing” but was really “rub the nub.”
 The degree to which the boys continued to influence one other was something about which neither was fully cognizant of. They were different in ways that attracted and repulsed in almost equal measure. The road to mutual acceptance had been long, twisted and littered with the debris of endless argument. Each of them liked to think he understood the other better than the other understood himself, and yet each was as quick to bristle at the idea that they had any real character traits in common.
 During high school, Sombat and his roguish gang had been all but abandoned by John when a girl named Joy entered the picture. After the American was “discovered” by her English Club, there was a hardly a day in the week he wasn’t hanging out at the elite girls’ school across the street, for coconut and tapioca desserts after school, or sometimes just smile exchange. The wide-eyed girls exhibited no interest in exchanging the names for body parts but tended to favor unsustainably dreamy formulations, such as chan rak thoe is Thai for “I love you” while khit tueng means “missing you.” John adapted as necessary, with the result that he lovingly tutored and was lovingly tutored by young Thai ladies of means, something Sombat acidly described as a “fuck me, fuck you” situation.
 John didn’t see it that way, but he did get to employ some of that angelic Thai vocabulary when he returned to America at the end of the year. He corresponded extensively with one of the girls; Joy was the name, and many intimate words changed hands, mostly in English of course. Her tender evocations of “missing you” and “kissing you” drew him back to the tropics a second time and even a third. After finishing his sophomore year at college, he responded to the call the Orient, and the tug of her perfumed missives, by getting on a jet at LAX. The next day he was at Don Muang airport, on a shoestring budget so tight he couldn’t afford a taxi. 
Sombat met him at the airport and they went to Thonburi by bus. In those days pocket change was hard to come by but time was easy to find and they spent it generously, hanging out, tooling around on borrowed wheels, scheming, getting stoned and playing the guitar.  When it came to girls, John had a knack for opening the deal and Sombat had a knack for closing it, so in theory they made a formidable team, but it rarely worked out that way.
For one, John wanted to see Joy more than anything, but he was hardly welcome at her house. Indeed, where would he have stayed were it not for the generosity of the Thongjit family? Sombat was pleased to be reunited with his partner in crime and Super-mom seemed resigned to providing maternal guidance to John upon his return. It was an open secret that she had initially volunteered to take a model foreign boy into her house under the auspices of an international exchange program, mainly in the hopes that the exchange student would be a good influence on her wayward son. She had no such illusions the second time around, but by then the increasingly wayward John was practically like a member of the family.
“Sit up straight!”
“Bow your head when you pass a Buddha.”
“Don’t use your foot to point.”
“Don’t smoke marijuana.”
“Tuck in your shirt.”
 The two boys put on a laudable show at home, but once they stepped out the guarded gate of the Thongjit compound into the big chaotic world, they flaunted taboos and courted trouble. Super-mom ran the house with a sharp tongue and a clenched purse. The more her real son rebelled, the more pressure it put on the adopted son to be play the role of good guy. She taught John to be less of a Yank, if not exactly more Thai, advising him on how to comport himself, how to talk, how to eat, how to relax, who to show respect to and who not to consort with. If he felt penned in at first, he could at least commiserate with his bro who had been under the regime since infancy. Not unlike Catholic school, the advantage of having so many rules piled on was the forbidden thrill in breaking them.

The screen door snaps shut with a bang.
Sombat’s back, interrupting John’s attempt to nap on the couch. He watches his roommate kick off his sandals and wobble into the living room with a dumb smile on his face.
“Hey dude,” John greets.
“Hey prude,” the Thai answers, the odor of alcohol and nicotine on his breath, the trace of perfumed soap on his skin.
 Some things never change. He and Sombat were older now, but were either of them any wiser, or were they still frozen in a kind of unresolved adolescence? A dozen years after their tour of sordid sex joints in Southern Isan and getting jilted by Joy, he finds himself a professor of English at a respected tertiary institution, but his outlook on the boy-girl thing hasn’t changed much. The whole sex thing, was, like, totally fucked. Intellectually he wanted to defend the “No Power” movement and a woman’s right to say no but he still found it hard to know when no meant no especially with Joy making available noises again.
He watches Sombat open the fridge and rummage for beer.
“Want one?”
“No, and you shouldn’t either. You drink too much.”
“You sure?”
“I got school tomorrow, and haven’t even done my lesson plan yet.”
 After getting short with Sombat, telling him twice to turn down the hip-hop music and cut back on the booze, John climbs upstairs to his room, picks up his pen and notebook and jots down some ideas for a pronunciation drill for the morning class.
 “Is free love really free?”
 “Is free love really love?”
 “Is reality really real?”
 It was full of Ls and Rs and who knows, it might even help jumpstart a discussion. It was never easy to get the self-conscious, status-conscious students to talk in front of their peers, unless they were either so excited or so infuriated that they forgot they were in class. If he got them wound up on a good topic, then maybe he could sit back, watch them unwind. And maybe learn something.
For the advanced class, he would pull out two songs from his trusty pirate cassette collection. He had been wondering a lot about God lately, given some of the godforsaken turns his life had taken, and wanted to talk about the topic in a way that was not preachy. He thought “Losing My Religion”would be a good song to start with. It was a personal favorite the year he lost it, and here he was, over a decade later, still losing it. On the other hand, he had not abandoned faith entirely and he wanted to balance the discussion with talk about that too. So he would play “What if God Was One of Us?” and try to get his students thinking about the under-recognized dignity of “the strangers on a bus.”



Evening falls hard in the shantytown as sudden violent downdraft of cool air moves in, rattling flimsy homes, and whipping up a dusty breeze. John rubs his eyes, feeling a bit beside himself. Just being able to see the roof of the Peacock paradoxically makes him feel very far away from the Bangkok he thought he loved and thought he knew, for even as the stench of the garbage heap fades, he is hit with a rising sense of dread. This is one of the lawless enclaves where drugs are dealt and contract murders carried out. This is that slum he heard about, but never ventured into, where the shooting happened the other night. He is about to step deep inside the maw of a danger zone, teeming with intrigue, delinquency and villainy.
Even the kids unnerve him. Kids who had scavenging for treasure and playing merrily at the dump just few minutes before now come barreling homeward, as if fleeing the demons of the night. They come running hard and fast, close-shaven heads boring past him, and Bun, boring their way ahead of anyone foolish enough to block their way on the narrow footpath. Unleashed dogs bark ferociously, puppies yelp, and chickens squawk as the man with the farang-smell walks by. How any animal could detect his body odor or that of anyone else over the stench of the fetid canal and mounds of refuse and trickling open sewers was a mystery, but everything animate seems to be hyper aware of John’s arrival, though it might just have been his perfervid imagination running wild.
 He stares distractedly at the sight of flies on the butchered carcass of a pig, while a short distance away, the coagulating blood of a freshly slaughtered chicken glistens under the battery-rigged fluorescent tube of the impromptu meat stand. Maybe he should excuse himself now. But not all of the feathered fowl are for eggs and eating; Bun points out the tall, erect red-combed roosters jumping up and down restlessly inside rattan cages. “Fighting cock,” she explains. He has always hated the idea of setting up two animals to kill each other. Why, in California you could get thrown in jail for tossing a dog out of a car on the freeway, not that California wasn’t brutal in its own sort of bureaucratic way. But here the blood sports were ingrained in the culture, kick boxing, cock-fighting, water buffalo bashing, reflecting an unsentimental acceptance of nature’s raw brutality.
 Tangerine clouds float impossibly high above this little flimsy, fenced-in world of sagging wooden shacks and corrugated-tin-roofed shops. And to think it’s not only under the same sky as the opulent octagonal pool at the Peacock, but only a stone’s throw away! Petty vendors line both sides of a passageway wide enough for single-file foot traffic and the occasional small motorcycle. There are stalls offering a selection of curries, from bright red to bright green, pushcarts selling a crunchy assortment of fried insects, barbequed pork skewered on sticks and dried beef jerky hanging from low rafters. There are dust-encrusted piles of sour green mangoes, tangy tamarinds and other fruit that John doesn’t recognize, while a fish tank rigged to a cart with the back pane of glass punched out keeps freshly pounded papaya salad free of dust and flies. There is an iced-drink stand, lined with bottles every color of the rainbow, and a Thai-sweet stall selling coconut concoctions and sugary desserts. As he watches the slum dwellers move by, some register surprise at the sight of him, others smile or even offer a few words in greeting, but most are too busy with their own lives to even bother casting a glance his way, like that sinewy bare-chested man on the side of the alley, whipping the daylights out of a scrawny dog with a metal rod.
 Mosquitoes are hovering around on the hunt for blood, but nobody seems to notice. Scrawny dogs scurry out of the way with a whimper but dare not bark, mindful of what happens if they incur the wrath of stone-throwing humans. John pauses at the sight of a long string of connected rubber bands blocking his path, and then lifts his foot to cross when—
 Boom! A big firecracker goes off a few feet away, causing John to shudder with panic, and almost black out, braced for the worst. Are they under attack? Has he been caught in some ghastly crossfire? While nothing hurts and he doesn’t appear to have been hit, the fear that he might have been, or almost was, is enough to make his pink face go white.
A devilish bout of high-pitched screams and delinquent laughter hits his ringing ears.
It’s nothing, just some kids, Bun reassures him, taking him by the arm, but he can’t help but feel he at risk and unwanted.
 The bang of that grenade-sized cracker was an instant attitude adjuster, reminding him, the paranoid outsider, that there could be all sorts of evil hiding in the shadows. It’s quiet again except for the sound of cockcrow, the devilish pranksters have long since scattered by now, but his head is still pounding. The residual heat of the day, the toll of having too much to take in in too short a time, the erratic darting motion of the kids, the naked infants crawling on dirt floors, the toilet stench wafting in from the canal, the uncompromising stares of strange men, the hard-to-understand dialect bouncing off his ears and the hungry sniffing and probing of his heels by a damp black bitch with swollen teats has pushed him to the limit.
 He is edgy, brittle, almost panicky, as if he half expects a hostile comment or outright physical onslaught to come hurtling at him any second. Though no such thing comes to pass, the lingering fear gets under his skin. He wonders if they might go back to the huge mega mall, the very monstrosity he viewed with condescending disdain on the way over --so solid, geometrical, rational and familiar in its contours—to find a cocoon to hide in. An air-conditioned coffee shop or a dimly lit restaurant would be just about right. 
 Instead she urges him to soldier on. She even places her hand gently on his shoulder at spots where the path is dark or slippery underfoot. At last they get to a pushcart drink stand run by a friend of hers, and not a minute too soon. John’s legs are still shaking; the only thing he wants more than a drink is to sit down.
“Ooliang song” Bun orders two iced coffees without consulting him, exchanging an eye smile with the vendor she knows as a neighbor. The matronly vendor dusts off two plastic stools, inviting the two of them to sit. Her pushcart is parked under the low canopy of an old mango tree. It’s no Peacock Hotel, but it’s dark enough and lush enough in this corner of this god-forsaken slum to entertain the illusion of being in a private, backyard garden, albeit a crowded one, as a number of people are milling around, doing nothing in particular. Discarded rubber tires filled with soil function as planters for homegrown mint, cilantro and chili peppers. Banana trees flush out the narrow spaces between shacks built of scrap lumber and rusted sheet iron, giving the side alley a lush, rural look.
Served in clear plastic bags tied tight around the straw, the drinks travel from hand to hand without spilling a drop. They bounce pleasantly when dangled from a finger, using the loop of an expertly twisted rubber band. John fumbles with the straw and rubber band seal on his beverage bag before taking a tentative sip. It’s so icy, sweet and refreshing he downs his ooliang in two or three long draughts, and orders a refill, in Thai, to demonstrate to the vendor, and all the nosy bystanders, that this was no fresh-off-the-jet tourist they were looking at.
 A pregnant lady with a toddler in tow stops in for a drink and John and Bun quickly give up their seats. Feeling the onrush of sugar and caffeine, John is emboldened to explore within the confines of the mango tree marketplace.
 A man selling grilled squid and salted boiled eggs puts down his double load, resting the carrying pole over two evenly weighted baskets to rest his shoulders. Across the path, a shrunken woman with buzz-cut gray hair sells shampoo, rice and sundry dry goods from a shop the size of a carnival ticket stand. On a kid-sized wooden stool set under the drooping branches of the old mango tree, a shoe repairman works his trade, hammering a broken heel while a customer waits on a stool, unshod foot dangling in the air.
 The shoe repairman, out of the habit of his trade, scrutinizes John’s footwear from toe to heel before taking in his face. Know the shoe to know the man, might be his motto. He can see that John is at once relatively well off but insistently casual, a bit of a foot-dragger who is unconcerned with keeping his shoes clean. He is neither rich nor poor, but finds consumer comfort in wearing a made-in-Asia version of a name brand American product. Once the lady slips her high-heeled shoe back on and pays, the shoe expert offers the seat to John who immediately offers it to Bun who insists she’d rather stand. The cobbler bends over to examine John’s oversized athletic shoes, rubbing his thick, skilled, work-scarred fingers over the plastic molding with curiosity and contempt.
 “No stitching, only glue,” he opines, shaking his head. “Your shoes will crack and fall apart in the dry season.” A pleasant conversation about the weather ensues. John does his best to field questions in Thai, touching on topics ranging from the weather in farang-land to a query about how much street-side cobblers get paid. Failing to adequately explain that there is no precise place that could be called farang-land, John then moves to the topic of shoeshine stands inside big city train stations, stretching his Thai vocabulary to the breaking point. Bun squeezes in next to John on another low stool, following the conversation closely but not interrupting other than to help with a loose word or two.
 The beverage vendor comes over to hand John his second drink, which he offers to the cobbler, who politely declines. Realizing there might be an element of pride at play, John then orders a round for the house, a dozen drinks in all, aimed at showing his goodwill to the cobbler and the numerous hangers-on who listen in intently, but politely, as they chat. They are strangers to him, but not to Bun, so it’s his way of saying hello to friends he hasn’t been introduced to. The cafe-on-wheels vendor whips up another batch of drinks like a mad chemist conjuring up a diabolical concoction, mixing in a flurry of graceful motion the contents of unlabelled tin cans containing evaporated milk, sugar crystals and coarsely ground coffee with boiling hot water from the kettle, topped off with ice from a plastic bucket.
 John and Bun get up at last, toss the dripping bags of melted ice into an oil drum and re-enter the steady stream of slum dwellers filing home from the day’s work. There are laborers returning from construction sites, parking lot attendants and doormen peeling off their fancy jackets and dress shirts even as they walk, heading home for dinner. Domestic servants and fast-food waitresses scurrying home after long bus rides cook for their kids, while on a plank bench a short distance away, a few tattooed ne’er-do-wells get an early start to the evening’s drinking.
 John follows Bun a few steps behind, winning a sweet backwards glance from her from time to time. “My house,” she says at one juncture along the way, pointing down a dirt alleyway to the right. John slows to get a better look at the shack among shacks; trying to commit the location to memory. It’s just past the makeshift clinic and not too far from an open air dry goods shop, but he can’t get any tighter coordinates on it than that. His guide keeps pressing forward, though she halts periodically to greet neighbors, some of whom she introduces to John, others not.
“Now we are walking south,” she announces, “we go to Sayam.”
“The square?”
“Yes. See? there is temple on left side, there is hotel on right.” 
What a pleasant companion, he thought. “If only she were better bred and wore better clothes. He can’t help but note that her watch is made of cheap plastic and her sandals are imitation leather. Her cotton floods are torn at the knee and the bright red T-shirt that looked so hot when he first approached her from behind in the Internet cafe is, upon closer examination, one of those giveaway shirts with a corporate logo on it.
What she lacks in wardrobe is not matched in lack of wit or even poise, however. There is something ironic and mocking in the way she talks to him, but she is flushed with dignity. She refuses to play supplicant and won’t spoon-feed his vanity. Her sassy take on life radiates through her threadbare clothes in a way that is both illuminating and becoming. There is something hard, but honest, something glowing earnest about her. As they draw closer to the intersection with the shops at Siam, now edging along the imposing brick and mortar wall of the temple, he can’t help but notice the way her lightly feathered hair picks up the light of the giant blue and white neon signboard just ahead, creating an aura that is just short of divine. But the hour is late and he promised to meet Sombat for dinner, so he takes leave once they reach the perimeter wall, and hails a taxi, promising to call.


FACING HISTORY OR DEFACING HISTORY?

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(scene from Canglang on Guizhou Satellite TV)


Canglang, or "Blue Wolf," as it is known in English, is just one of many Chinese TV serial dramas that takes the contemporary viewer back into the thick of fighting, plotting, heroism and betrayal during the height of the Sino-Japanese war of 1937-1945.

One only has to turn on a TV in China and flip through a few channels before coming upon a "kang-ri-ju," which is to say, a "war-against-Japan" drama. In fact, it is not uncommon to find several anti-Japan dramas playing simultaneously, in part due to the proliferation of satellite channels and paucity of original content and in part due to the fact that such dramas get greenlighted by government censors eager to stick it to Japan. The airing of lopsided and often lurid anti-Japan dramas can be found on educational TV and eager provincial stations as well as on big city stations and the flagship station CCTV in Beijing. Produced in many cases by independent production companies, the look-alike dramas get repeat play on different stations as well.

In the course of a day, one can view countless examples of Japanese sneakiness and perfidy, with the obligatory hinomaru flag fluttering on Chinese soil as a succinct symbol of evil, and the predictable predations echoing a historic invasion that was truly horrific by any reckoning. But drama needs a narrative arc, preferably an uplifting one, so the Japanese onslaught against the land and people of China is followed by predictable revenge fantasies that reward the indignant viewer with a thousand graphic Japanese deaths, and to make it perfectly clear which of the two great civilizations is the greater, fearless derring-do and fantastic feats of military and civilian heroism conducted by, or inspired by, the humble but righteous example of the then underground communist party. Increasingly dramas give a quasi-heroic role to the sometime ally, sometime rival Kuomintang troops as well, in accord with official changes in communist party party line born out of an eagerness to find common ground with Taiwan, but there's no doubt which of the warring parties is most on the right side of history. Although the baggy uniforms and caps can be vexing to distinguish at a glance, and the communist underground characters often wear plainclothes, the Chinese extras and actors used to portray the Japanese villains sport mustaches and more often than not, a permanent scowl, just to make it plain who the bad guys are.

It's just art, of course, and art is supposed to be harmless by definition. But what happens when the evening news picks up on the anti-Japan in its coverage of current events, whether it be tensions over disputed islets, controversial visits to Yasukuni Shrine or the continued denial and humiliations heaped on comfort women? To go from an anti-Japan drama to an anti-Japan news report is not without political effect. The hated hinomaru flag remains the same, the sense of outrage and distrust is of a kind, and potentially volatile incidents get  and gets prominent airing both in drama and real life news reports. The animus against Japan is a staple of the Chinese media diet, whether it be fact or fiction, historical drama or dramatic contemporary conflict. I will use this space to post photos and examples of how the Chinese media sometimes conflates righteousness with nationalism and genuine historical grievances with disingenuous coverage of current events. 


Bonzai!






(Phoenix TV coverage of a reported near miss between Chinese and Japanese planes)


 (from a report on Japan military armament on CCTV's international Mandarin channel.)

CCTV NEWS COVERS THE "JAPAN THREAT"

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Japan in the news, as seen on CCTV in China.

China is rising, peacefully and with great confidence, and Japan is keeping the peace, despite talk of trashing the "Peace Constitution," but there's been considerable muscle flexing and elbow-bumping between the two East Asian arch-rivals in recent months. 

When it comes to China's latest propaganda push, the Deng Xiaoping maxim of keeping a low profile and biding one's time no longer seems to apply. China's profile is high and the time is now. A glimpse of how the brass new China views itself in the world can be gleaned from the increasingly strident, orthodox tone of CCTV, the flagship station of state-run television. Nationalism is increasingly worn on the sleeve, or in the case of newscasters and spokesmen, in the form of China flag lapel pins. This article will consider CCTV's twin round-the-clock Chinese language news channels, one directed at the vast home audience, (CCTV Xinwen), the other at Chinese speakers abroad. (CCTV 4)
The English subtitles on CCTV Chinese language news speaks to its global vision

In late May 2014, Sino-Japanese tensions were at high dudgeon due to a spate of aggressive patrols by both sides at sea and in the skies above disputed waters. Though the stepped up patrols and military posturing on both sides were almost certainly meant as a show of aggressive defense rather than as a tripwire to a hot conflict, a desire for hot conflict, the spectre of an armed conflict, even war, breaking out due to a chance accident or mutual miscalculation seemed all too real. The late May round of islet tensions came on the heels of bitter diplomatic spats between Tokyo and Beijing due to decidedly undiplomatic act of Prime Minister Abe making a ritual show of fealty to Japan's war dead, including class A war criminals, by visiting Yasukuni Shrine and China's sudden litigious interest in prosecuting wartime financial claims. 

With both sides tone-deaf to the sensitivities of the other, with each calling for more military spending and fewer checks on military deployment and more aggressive enforcement of territorial claims, the virtual game of "chicken" over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islets took on an ominous edge. Otherwise non-newsworthy events such as attending an armaments trade show or the unveiling new military capabilities took on an ominous tone.  Given that a number of near misses were recorded at sea and in the air,  even making a show of force could produce deadly consequences.  This, on top of the tangentially-related issue of China's South China Sea navigation, oil exploration and territorial spats with Vietnam and the Philippines, imparted to the CCTV news cycle of May 2014 an aura of increasing tension, and the venting of strident nationalism, fueled by fears of a future war.




Channel 11,  CCTV's all-news station covers the Japan threat



CCTV ALL-NEWS CHANNEL 13 (Mandarin)



Consider the coverage of Japan and the rest of the world on CCTV's Xinwen channel, China's answer to both Hong Kong-based Phoenix TV and the 24/7 style coverage of CNN. The round-the-clock news channel begins its news cycle with “Midnight News,” the first broadcast of the day. On May 30, 2014 the cycle begins with a series of strident reports about Japan. The program opens with an indignant report about how Japanese pilots have been engaged in provocative behavior threatening the legitimate passage of Chinese aircraft on the high seas. 

The first bulletin of the day goes on to accuse Japan of a series of "irresponsible and dangerous maneuvers," including the twin incidents of May 24 in which a Chinese jet came within 50 meters of a Japanese surveillance plane, and cites another case in which a "Japanese warplane" came within 30 meters of a Chinese jet. Both stories are iIlustrated with visuals drawn from stock footage of aircraft similar to those in question, though some viewers might be lulled into thinking the ubiquitous eye of the all-seeing news camera was actually there as witness to events being described. The TV anchor states that Japan’s outrageous provocation is only the latest in a series of "deliberate close encounters" inside China's "Air Defense Identification Zone." 
File footage of Japan military maneuvers is used to highlight the story of a near clash
The anchor makes a point of pointing out that China had been acting with restraint and very much within in its right, conducting a legitimate air-sea drill in the sea off its shores. 
As if the danger of collision, inadvertent or otherwise, weren’t obvious enough, the news report brings up a previously undisclosed case dated months earlier in which saw two aircraft come within ten meters of each other, a hair’s breath in aviation terms. The report suggests it was all Japan's fault, as China had been engaged in professional operations conforming to policy and regulations, and it is stated that China scrambled its jets for identification in accord with internationally accepted practices. 










Maps showing the zone in question and a repeat loop of file footage showing Chinese and Japanese aircraft doing maneuvers in flight adds drama to this genuinely worrying revelation of a close encounter in the air.






File footage from military exercises, date and location not specified

This hot lead is followed by an indignant piece of analysis about how Japan Prime Minister Abe is single-handedly trying to change collective self-defense to allow Japan a more aggressive international role. 



China's smooth and unruffled Foreign Ministry spokesman, Qin Gang, wearing a red flag pin on his lapel, denounces "An-be" as the Japanese prime minister is called in Chinese, in plain, no-nonsense terms that suggest a fit of diplomatic pique. The accompanying images of the Japanese Prime Minister, though drawn from file footage, do not show to his advantage.
The Beijing-based chastisement of Abe is followed up by a satellite link report with a CCTV reporter in Tokyo who interviews a Japan antiwar activist whose position happens to hew close to the Chinese one. The cursory vox populi is aired in the original Japanese, translated with subtitles. 
Footage of US drones in Japan cut with anti-war, anti-rearmament demonstrations in Tokyo 
was repeated throughout the 24/7 news cycle

The Tokyo satellite report then cuts to a news clip of a small but lively Japan demonstration against Abe's unwarranted shift in policy, which is evidence, CCTV concludes, that among Japanese ordinary people, (minjian) there is opposition to Abe’s proposed changes. The graphics that go with the story ask if lifting the ban on Japan's so-called "collective self-defense" is really about protecting Japanese citizens. CCTV reports on the fervent opposition of Japanese citizens in Tokyo to Abe's proposed changes to the Peace Constitution and his desire to expand the notion of so-called "collective self-defense."Although such demonstrators may be fewer in number than the carefully cropped photos would suggest, it is important for Chinese viewers, accustomed to uniformly negative reports about Japan, to realize that not all Japanese agree with the controversial Abe government.

The two lead stories with a focus on bad news about Japan have now run nearly ten minutes, an eternity in news time. As if to capture the flagging attention of the late night viewer or random channel surfer, the news puts an emphasis on striking visuals and arresting catch copy. The just-aired pieces cut from the narrator to show a series of bombs and jets and Top Gun maneuvers drawn from impressive TV file footage of Japan’s Self-Defense Forces exercises. The Japanese Hinomaru flag, and its likeness as an insignia on jets, planes and ships, is displayed prominently in many shots.
The virtual war scenes, stitched together from innocuous footage and the TV producer’s imagination, are followed by actual horror of war scenes as the first news report of the day turns other big stories of the day. The youthful, well-groomed announcer turns his attention to Ukraine, where wire services footage of bombings, fleeing civilians and wanton destruction on the ground offer a harrowing, unglamorous counterpoint to the slick illustrated theatrics of Sino-Japanese tensions in the previous segment.
The next story in the top of the hour lineup features Edward Snowden, talking to NBC reporter Brian Williams in Moscow. It includes a subtitled clip of Snowden explaining in English how your phone can be turned on remote, how people can be hurt by unwanted electronic intrusion and unfair profiles based on metadata
Next up is a brief pro-Russia PR segment about how Russia is strengthening its good relationship with former Soviet states of Kazakhstan and Byelorussia. This glowing coverage is in tune with over two weeks of positive coverage and optimistic pronouncements reflecting an upswing of mutual admiration dating to the Shanghai Confidence Building Conference that was boosted by the attendance of the image-conscious leader Vladimir Putin, who enjoys considerable popularity in China.
The report makes note of a prospective Sino-Russian pipeline and gas deal worth hundreds of billions of dollars, a possible game-changer in global energy fortunes, and The pro-Russian reportage caps off a news cycle that has been demonstrably favorable to Russia, with a segment about the joint Sino-Russian naval exercises recently held in the South China Sea, and serves as a geopolitical context for the opening report on the aerial near-miss with Japan.
A final tidbit of Japan news is presented, again showing pictures of Abe, saying Japan will ease sanctions in return for more cooperation in finding evidence of Japanese kidnapped citizens in North Korea. The subtle uptick in Japan-North Korean relations in the context of a broader honeymoon between China and Russia suggests a departure from the Cold War alignments, but the Cold War norm of a world divided into camps still seems to apply. China-North Korea relations have cooled sufficiently, and Japan’s foreign policy moves have been met with sufficient official outrage and skepticism to leave doubt in the mind of the viewer about the true intentions of Japan’s delicate rapprochement with its long-time bete noir, North Korea.
The CCTV Xinwen "Midnight News" report on the state of the world of is followed by a few short clips of domestic developments in China, making it an almost exact reverse of the flagship nightly news at seven, Xinwenlianbo, which is almost entirely focused on domestic news, with a just a few minutes to cover the rest of the world at the end of the program.
There’s a report about the record-breaking heat wave scorching Beijing and many parts of the country.
Next is a cultural item about fabled Chinese writer Qian Zhongshu, whose magisterial novel "Fortress Besieged" describes China during the time of Japanese invasion. Qian's extensive foreign language notes and manuscripts have been published. The midnight news program closes with a series of brief clips touching on transportation, including China's ever-expanding high-speed train network, regulations for truckers, a clip of Google's driverless car and some stunning footage from the Kazakhstan launch of the Soyuz spacecraft, shown at liftoff and docking with the International Space Station.
The closing bumper, with its feel-good good-news of advances in transportation, is of a piece with China’s hunger for new technology and visionary, if not slightly insane, projects like building a high-speed train line from China to Alaska via Siberia, an alternative to the Panama Canal in Nicaragua, and planned moon shots. 



                                                                                                               




Japan's prime minister Abe Shinzo, who frequently cuts a dashing figure at home due to good PR and apt photo ops by the political machine that backs him, is not an attractive individual as portrayed in China. It's as if denouncing his policies is not enough, a mockery needs to be made of the man as well. Abe has shown a tenacity for holding a top leadership spot that is unusual for Japan, where bureaucratically appointed Prime Ministers come and go on the average of every year or two. His forceful personality and an enthusiastic, if limited, fan base brings to mind former Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro, who also became the face of Japan during a period of high Sino-Japanese tension.


As such, Abe is not just another grey eminence keeping the PM's seat warm, but a singular figure upon whose shoulders singular blame can be placed. Abe's notoriety as a rightwing revisionist, and his penchant for annoying China with Yasukuni theatrics and stridently nationalistic gesturing makes him a perfect foil for Chinese news services seeking to personify the perfidy of militarism in Japan. Abe's bloodline also riles those in the know, not so much his mild-mannered father, the China-friendly former foreign minister Abe Shintaro, but his maternal grandfather, Kishi Nobusuke, who as an accused war criminal complicit in the military occupation of China during the war, stands for everything that China opposes politically. Kishi's subsequent re-invention of himself as a staunchly pro-US politician who enjoyed CIA support may have made him politically acceptable to US authorities, but did nothing to improve his image in China where his name evokes hurtful memories.




Abe as a symbol of all that is wrong with Japan




CCTV 4, GLOBAL NEWS IN CHINESE

CCTV's Channel 4 is broadcast in Beijing with a global Chinese-speaking audience in mind. Naturally this includes Taiwan and Hong Kong, as well as the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia and elsewhere. In keeping with its mission, English subtitles are added for clarity and reach. If anything, the CCTV 4 coverage of Japan was even more strident than the coverage of the domestic all-news station, suggesting that there is an audience for an anti-Japan narrative in other parts of Asia and in the Chinese diaspora in general. Korea and the Philippines are among neighboring nations that still nurse grievances with Japan's wartime behavior, though Taiwan probably disappoints mainland pundits and opinion leaders because it seems to have come to terms with Japan better than other polities in the region.

(Screen captures below from CCTV 4 News broadcasts from May 26-31, 2014) 


Eurosatory is a Paris-based trade show for armaments and security equipment



China is suspicious of Japanese intentions regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku islets 

Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force is accused of "fishing for trouble" in the South China Sea





Japan is accused of expanding its submarine force


Submarine strength is critical to any calculus of war. The CCTV editor's skilled use of clips from Japanese TV and foreign file footage, Hinomaru and all,  drives home the point that Japan has a modern fleet, and the subtext is that China, the historic victim of Japanese militarism, must modernize its forces, for fear of conflict over sea lanes or isolated islets claimed by both sides. 

The Rising Sun insignia, a point of pride for Japan's nationalists, is unhappily associated with war for many China


ENTERTAINING SINO-JAPANESE PREJUDICES

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China has a long tradition of producing war movies for propaganda purposes; mostly good versus evil dramas drawn from the all-too-real and all-too-brutal war against the invading Japanese (kangri zhanzheng) and the costly Korean War (kangmei yuanchao) in which America was the ultimate enemy. In the past few years, there has been a marked increase in China-produced TV series set during the anti-Japan struggle, partly a reflection of growing political antipathy towards Japan, and partly an opportunity to rewrite Chinese history, giving the KMT their due as "zhanyou" or fellow soldiers for their unsung contribution in combatting Japan's ruthless mainland invasion. Including KMT characters in the pro-communist anti-Japan genre kills two birds with one stone, demonizing Japan while coming to terms with Taiwan, which serves China's long-term goal of wooing Taiwan back into the fold of the motherland.



China has seen a marked uptick in tensions with Japan since 2010, for which Japan's political shift to the right, nostalgia for wartime values, Yasukuni posturing, the blatant undoing of apologies and the unraveling of tacit mutual restraint in regards to territorial disputes are all fit to blame. China was the historic victim nation, so it is not surprising that Chinese television reportage has been hard on Japan. A certain degree of outrage and indignation would be understandable if it were just editorial viewpoints tinged with emotional overreaction,  but given the state-directed nature of media content, it also reeks of cold political calculation. Some political pundits have attributed the shocking anti-Japan street protests and intensity of China's media reaction to symbolic issues such as Yasukuni in part to the machinations of the now-disgraced security czar Zhou Yangkang, and the anti-Japan stance of the now diminished Jiang Zemin faction, which may turn out to be good news in the sense that bilateral relations would stand to improve with the passing of this clique from the scene.

In any case, doing TV in China is the art of the possible, and Chinese production companies have learned to navigate the course of least resistance by submitting proposals that can get past the censors and make money. The genre of Anti-Japan war films to be doubly attractive because anti-Japan product, inasmuch as it is in tune with official thinking of the day, is easy to greenlight for production and can be profitable from constant television replay in China's vast network of national and provincial TV stations where it reinforces state-sanctioned prejudices while entertaining. There's little evidence that reliving the war against Japan is foremost in the creative dreams of producers and directors anymore than there is documentary evidence that the masses crave yet more of this tired, cliche-ridden genre. But it finds a market nonetheless, as formulaic and predictable as the stylized cowboy and Indian productions from Hollywood's blinkered past.



Although the recent trend of kang-ri-ju shows signs of production overkill, with netizens and even some communist officials complaining about the gratuitous violence, ahistorical fantasies and in some cases sexual excess, it still dominates daytime drama viewing as a genre. A huge pool of product is out there, and more of the same is being produced. Not unlike the dilemma faced by Japan's film industry a few decades back when it turned to pornography to keep directors, editors, camera operators and sound recorders in business, the salacious genre of exposing Japan's crimes keeps production teams busy until better work comes along. The problem with the product is that it delves into sensitive historical issues and exploits them for entertainment value without offering a convincing story or context. The resultant dramas not only fail to educate or edify, but treat history frivolously, with commercial-driven carelessness, creating cardboard cut-out heroes and villains from central casting with a visual emphasis on sheer titillation. Unlike the turn to pornography and lasting embrace of the same by Japan's beleaguered film industry, China's turn to the business of packaging, selling and marketing of racial enmity is not just bad art, if it can be considered art at all, but contributes to real-life political tensions by priming the public to dislike Japan.

Punching out anti-Japan dramas in assembly line fashion is an opportunistic way to keep production companies solvent and actors acting, while filling airtime with a lowest common denominator product acceptable to government censors, hot-headed opinion leaders and a malleable portion of the general public. Informal talks with Chinese students, many of whom are quietly fond of Japan's "dongman" tradition (manga and anime) as well as Tokyo-style design, food and fashion, suggests that the Anti-Japan genre is missing the mark. For better or worse young people in China are not interested in raking over the coals of contested history but instead forward-looking to the future. "Boring"was the most common response I heard when asking about the Anti-Japan dramas on Chinese college campuses in the past few months, and to my surprise, some students claimed they didn't watch TV at all.  Instead they sate their media hunger on the internet, claiming that TV is mainly watched by "old people."



The episodic "On Fire" (Qianghuo) aired on Guizhou TV in the spring of 2014. 


Cang Lang, known as "Blue Wolf," was one of the better-produced drama series aired in early 2014, but it made a mockery of its anti-Japan posturing when it turned out that it "borrowed" music from a Japanese anime.  It's inadvertently appropriate in a way, for it speaks to the power of contemporary Japanese anime and its receptivity in China. What's more, the Japan war and occupation period covered by "Blue Wolf" was itself rich in cross-cultural mixups, misappropriations, complex plotting and steeped in a general air of  intrigue and ambiguity, especially in cosmopolitans centers such as Shanghai and other cities under Japanese control.




"Blue Wolf" is an ambitious, sweeping drama with a rich and varied cast of soldiers, guerillas, foreign officials and singsong girls. It covers the period from Japan's invasion of China below the Great Wall, the battle of Shanghai, the destruction of Nanjing and KMT flight up the Yangtse River to Wuhan and Chongqing, but despite the epic backdrop, it's a silly soap opera at heart.

A seduction scene in "Blue Wolf"

The story quality and production values of kang-ri-ju vary wildly from drama to drama, but the Anti-Japan narrative share certain core elements. China is good, Japan is bad. Chinese extras play Japanese without great nuance, relying on cartoon villains that scowl and sneer, routinely insult dignity of women, exhibit stiff body language, grunting speech and villainous mustaches. A few words of Japanese are inserted into otherwise fluent Chinese speech to create the impression of Japanese being spoken. Dramas that aim for more linguistic verisimilitude offer a liberal sprinkling of spoken Japanese, some of it fluently, though not flawlessly, voiced by Chinese actors.

A common visual theme of Anti-Japan drama is dressing the set with the eye-catching rising sun flag and insignia. Unlike Germany, which changed it's flag after the war, Japan's continuous use of the hinomaru flag makes it possible for viewers of wartime dramas to conflate the enemy nation of the past with Japan of the present. 


“Heading into Cannon Fire”(Xiangzhe paohuo qianjin) 
shows the Japan wartime policy of "loot all, kill all and burn all."
 

"Enemy Troops Coming!"was one of the many Anti-Japan dramas aired during the recent upsurge in tensions in the wake of Prime Minister Abe's Yasukuni visit and near-clashes at sea. The story of a village under siege, it introduces a motley crew of Chinese youth who would not look out of place riding skateboards in contemporary Beijing. In one dramatic scene they wait in ambush exchanging boyish grins and soulful glances, guns in hand. The girls,  hair neatly combed, lipstick carefully applied,  stare intently into the distance as a Japanese military convoy approaches. The camera cuts to a bedraggled, unshaved Japanese soldier, rocking back and forth as he drives a truck, the first in a convoy, with the hinomaru flag clearly affixed to the side. As the enemy soldier hurtles unsuspecting down a bumpy dirt road, the hip guerillas use a trip wire and improvised explosive device to set off a blinding explosion that lights the night like a tactical atomic bomb. They shield their faces just watching it, grinning with pride at its unexpected power, but the bomb fails to finish off the enemy and the cliffhanger ending of the episode leaves viewers wondering what will happen next. The young heroes are last seen exchanging worried glances in the proximity of some very unhappy Japanese soldiers.


Chinese guerillas ambush Japanese convoy, 
from "Enemy Troops Coming!" (Binglincunxia) 


While the hinomaru flag has uncomfortable connotations for Chinese even today, especially when affixed to military vehicles, it does not carry the extreme negative valance of the Nazi swastika.  For the purposes of televised drama, however, it serves much the same purpose as an identifier, used to indicate menace, danger, arrogant imperialism and more generally as a marker to distinguish vehicular fleets, planes and outposts of the hated enemy. 



The rising sun banner riles in other ways too. It is not just as shorthand for enemy aircraft, combatants and administrators, but when draped from a flagpole serves as a reminder that Japan did in fact try to plant its flag in China due to an ill-considered and destructive policy of colonial expansion. 

The narrative line of the wartime dramas tends to follow the contours of a David and Goliath struggle, in which the dignified but poorly-equipped Chinese absorb unkind blows, and then rise to resist and fight back, and then eventually, miraculously, at the last minute overcome the superior firepower and material resources of the devilish invaders through guerilla cunning, kung-fu fighting and party-civilian cooperation. The rise of China's communist party and its historical correctness is a de rigueur element of the genre, the key the silver lining of the terrible war clouds that stormed across China and wreaked havoc from 1937-1945.


A sampling of spring 2014 Chinese TV dramas set during the war period. All of the provincial satellite channels listed below are viewable in Beijing and across the country.

Blue Wolf” (Canglang) Sichuan TV

Black Fox” (Heihu) Beijing Youth TV

“Heading into Cannon Fire” (Xiangzhe paohuo qianjin) China Educational TV, channel 1  

“Enemy Troops Coming!” (Binglincunxia) BTV Scitech 

“Club the Dogs” (Dagougun) Hebei TV

“Purple Sun” (Ziri) Hebei TV

 Legendary Hero” (Chuanqi yingxiong) Chongqing TV

 Martyr on March  (Zhuangshi chuchuan) Zhejiang TV 

Codename: Mulan” (Daihaohuamulan)

“On Fire” (Qianghuo) Guizhou TV

 Daohoupi  (Daohoupi) Tianjin TV

“Dihou Hero” (Dihouyingxiong) Sichuan TV








 



WHEN GALAXIES COLLIDE, A NEW ERA IS BORN

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 (Cartoon about enjoying peaceful rally by cartoonists Bancha/Khamin,  from Manager)



 THAILAND IN FLUX  
by Philip J Cunningham

When galaxies collide, strange things happen. Collisions are not inevitable, there’s a lot of empty space in space, but gravitational waves and tidal forces have a way of reshaping two systems in proximity, creating new alignments and novel groupings. The violent rip and tear of colliding systems can  create something new or precipitate sudden collapse.

Looking at the amorphous, color-tinted crowds assembling, expanding, contracting and regrouping in Bangkok from afar, across the chasm of cyberspace, across the
Twitterverse, one is struck by the overall fluidity and order of the chaos and disorder. Thais on all sides of the color divide are skilled and resourceful protesters and it shows.

This time, it’s not the redshirts who have the upper hand. Instead an eclectic mix drawn from factions blue and yellow, multicolor and no color, have donned tricolor flags and whistles to make themselves seen and heard. To the predations and manipulations of a greedy governing clan they are saying, Stop! Time for a change! Enough is enough!

The hard fact about collective demonstrating is that it is binary by nature; either you are with the crowd or you are not. As part of a crowd, you inevitably experience a loss of agency, like a free-standing star rotating around the black hole at the center of a galaxy.

In clusters of protest as in galaxies there are unwritten physical rules of attraction and repulsion that create order and alignment out of chaos, leaders can be found at the gravitational center, followers in the tails and spiral arms. 

Crowds have a way of self-policing, sometimes too harshly, sometimes not enough. Paradoxically, being bound by the unwritten rules of the crowd creates a sense of empowerment that makes it easier to break conventional rules; it’s easier to challenge a police line or takeover a public location when those around you are breaking the same rules at the same time.

Therein lies opportunity for transformative events, therein also lays the danger of otherwise decent people being egged on to do things one knows to be wrong. Self-appointed crowd leaders must keep an ear to the ground even as they reach for the sky. They need to set the tone by humble example, keeping calm and on message. Just as hate speech begets hate speech, non-violence begets non-violence, and small acts of kindness and generosity encourage more of the same.

There’s a time to hold, a time to fold. Cues to action and inaction simmer and circulate through a crowd, nonverbal cues set the mood and keep it cooperative and collective. There’s great strength in unity, until self-preservation comes to the fore, then all bets are off. To walk when others run or run when others walk can rip a crowd apart; patience, harmony and forbearance are key.

People power is powerful because numbers are a force multiplier; citizens who gather in large numbers are vulnerable, yet hard to move, hard to ignore, and hard to predict.

An energized crowd is a harbinger of a paradigm shift, a new galactic alignment that will bring about new constellations of power and new centers of gravity.






(excerpted from Bangkok Post, May 28, 2013)  "Democracy as we know it is being poisoned."

by Philip J Cunningham

Thai democracy has long been in crisis because it consistently produces undemocratic results and  results in an illiberal consolidation of power. The surreptitious four AM attempt by a partisan faction in parliament to impose an dubious amnesty bill on an unsuspecting public earlier this month is just one example of many. The apparent mastery of democratic form has not been matched by statesmanship that is democratic in spirit. 

Surely there is something wrong with a system that allows an ambitious fugitive in Dubai to be the puppet master of parliament, the “remote control” of the prime minister while his clan is the beneficiary of rampant corruption. 

Greedy, outsized schemes, whether it be hiking up the price of rice to unsupportable levels to reward regional allies, or unnecessary big-ticket items like high speed trains from China, a cash cow for those who adept at corruption by percentages, only burdens the Thai populace with debt, while increasing indebtedness to him and his corporate cronies.

Thailand is at a turning point, does it want to be truly democratic or not?

To the inevitable cry, if you don’t like the government you can vote them out, I say, nice textbook answer, but things don’t always work out that way. Tell that the frightened and confused Germans of the 1930’s, tell that to the exploited and oppressed Filipinos of the 1970’s, tell that to broken-hearted Americans frustrated with eight years of George W Bush and the war party, who then took part in a once-in-four-years ritual at the polls to chose between Tweedle Dee and Tweedle Dum, with the result that the new man, as different as he appeared to be at first glance, from both his rivals and his predecessors, turned out to push the same policies, only more so, with a continuation of war, a continued reverence for big corporations and a continued servility to Pentagon and powers that be.

What has been happening on the streets of Bangkok is a necessary venting of pent up frustration, an active expression of democratic yearning, an assertion of minority speech coupled the right of assembly. The non-violent guerilla style tactics of taking temporary control of public property recalls the Occupy protests in the US; the spirit of Zucotti Park is alive at Soi Aree today. The classic marches on Ratchdomnern and other iconic centers draws on the heritage the Bangkok demonstrations of the 1970’s, Black May and the mass mobilizations of recent years.

It takes far more courage and commitment to take to the streets and sit-in at a public place under constant threat of harassment and crackdown than it does to drop a ballot in a box. These huge popular demonstrations are a blunt expression of democracy in action, a wishful manifestation of rule of the people by the people.

There is no saying where the current demonstrations will end, or what wrong turns Suthep and his comrades might take, or when tragedy might befall unlucky people in the wrong place at the wrong time when the inevitable crackdown and Thermidor sets in. But the people out there putting their lives on the line are worth listening to, because they are saying things that would otherwise find scant expression in a system dominated by the ruling party. 

It’s the voice of the disenfranchised opposition, speaking out, shouting out, trying to alter the fate of a nation that they see as being on a path to ruin.  before they lose their rights altogether. They are taking great personal risks and putting up with considerable discomfort to stop the runaway train of unchecked greed and coordinated power grab. They want their country back, they want fair play, they want to live in dignity, not debt.

DEFT DIPLOMATIC TOUCH

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BY PHILIP J CUNNINGHAM


The appointment of Caroline Kennedy as US Ambassador to Japan is about as inspired a choice as a non-merit based appointment can be, because the optics work for Americans and Japanese alike. An amiable member of a political clan that enjoys quasi-royal status in the media, Ms. Kennedy recently presented her credentials to the Emperor of Japan, showing up at the palace in a gilded horse-drawn cart with well-wishers lining the streets of Tokyo to get a glimpse.

Japan’s attachment to the Kennedy magic dates to the JFK presidency, when advances in live television and satellite broadcast made it possible to beam to Japan iconic images of the life and death of a uniquely popular president. Part of what made November 22, 1963 poignant was that Kennedy advisors were en route to Japan to prepare for a presidential visit when he was gunned down. The Japan visit of Caroline Kennedy’s uncle Robert  Kennedy, also a victim of US political violence, is fondly remembered even today.

In diplomatic terms, Tokyo is ultra sensitive and as shy as a geisha when it comes to “Japan-passing” which is to say, expect a hissy fit if the US does not give Japan sufficient face, or shows the slightest iota of diplomatic preference for China. As such, the Japan media was non-plussed with President Obama’s back-door appointment for the previous ambassador, John Roos, an unknown, uncharismatic campaign donor who was rewarded with a prestige posting to the detriment of bilateral ties. Caroline Kennedy’s appointment remedies this by speaking to Japan in a language it understands –not Japanese of course, but in the symbolic language of partisan diplomacy, shared elitist values and a charm offensive in the media.

Thus in Japan, the Kennedy legend is alive and well and kicking, arguably more so than anywhere else outside the US except Ireland, where JFK’s sister Jean Kennedy Smith was once appointed ambassador and where the Kennedy clan roots in County Wexford remain a point of pride.

In a more understated way, the appointment of Gary Locke as US Ambassador to China was also a shrewd choice. The optics worked for both sides, a triumph for Chinese-Americans whose long struggle to make it in America saw symbolic vindication, and a tip of the hat to China, the ancestral homeland which evinced some pride and curiosity as well, though not as effusively as in the case of the Kennedys in Ireland.

Although Ambassador Locke’s tenure as ambassador has not been quite the success once imagined, there was still a palpable sense of surprise and quiet disappointment when he announced he was stepping down.

Dispatching a Kennedy to Japan has upped the prestige stakes for soon-to-be-vacant Beijing post, and the stature and qualifications of Locke’s replacement will be studied closely for symbolic cues as to what it says about the Obama administration’s commitment to US-China ties.

The problem with American diplomacy is that it reflects problems at home, where class lines are increasingly sharply drawn and where the “guanxi” of elite lineage and photo-op potential of identity politics often guide the selection of candidates for very serious jobs that require hard-earned knowledge, cross-cultural training, and old-fashioned merit.

It’s been a while since the US appointed an ambassador to Japan who actually knew a thing or two about the country –John Roos went to Tokyo knowing little more of Japan than could be garnered from sushi shops in the Silicon Valley. Several of his predecessors were equally unfamiliar with the culture but otherwise effective, if only because they were political heavyweights that the Japanese elite could relate to, such as Walter Mondale, Howard Baker, and Mike Mansfield.

The appointment of a Kennedy to the Tokyo post is the kind of rum-to-riches legend that PM Abe Shinzo can identify with as he too hails from a political clan that, despite a history of murky historic business dealings and wrong-headed support for the Axis cause, has managed to successfully reinvent itself over and over. Abe's grandfather Kishi Nobusuke, was a wartime minister who exploited Chinese labor in Japan-occupied China, and was arrested on war criminal charges, only to turn around and become a pro-US prime minister, while his father, Abe Shintaro, was an influential foreign minister.

Given Obama’s obsession with the optics of identity, it’s hard to escape the sense that race was not a factor in Gary Locke’s appointment. The US Embassy in Beijing has seen one veritable China hand, J. Stapleton Roy, take the post, while Winston Lord and Clark Randt had at least rudimentary familiarity with diplomacy and the culture. Jim Sasser was no China hand, but a deft diplomat and a gentleman. Jon Huntsman’s purely political appointment was undermined by the perception that Obama had "exiled" him to Beijing in a Machiavellian move to keep him sidelined as a potential presidential contender. 

While there is nothing new about posh jobs being handed out as spoils or political favors, the Obama administration has taken back-door dealing to new heights. As such, the world’s greatest democracy is becoming more feudal in its diplomacy, even as developing nations shake off the vestiges of feudalism and cultivate diplomats through training and meritocratic means.

Not only are Chinese diplomats expected to speak English well, but China can deftly field Japanese-speaking ambassadors to Tokyo and Thai-speaking ambassadors to Bangkok, just to mention two examples.

The problem is, America is not much of a meritocracy anymore. The president has shown himself to have the ear of Wall Street, the Pentagon and the NSA, but is tone-deaf to the plight of the poor and the shocking rise of inequality on his watch. Social mobility is at an all-time low and the working poor cannot obtain a living wage, while the top 1% is filthy rich and getting richer.

Foreign policy closely mirrors domestic values, and Obama’s diplomatic appointments offer a window on how he sees the world; a world reeking of elitism, favoritism, identity politics and big money.

A non-merit based appointment can be inspired, and even a boon to bilateral relations, as the selection of Caroline Kennedy appears to be. But it also says something about the rise of inequality and the miasma of the current American mindset that name and fame and identity continue to trump more practical qualifications for sensitive diplomatic posts.


CHINA AS SEEN FROM THE SHELVES OF A CONTEMPORARY JAPANESE BOOKSTORE

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China is a topic of abiding interest in Japan for reasons that are both obvious and obscure. It's Japan's most powerful neighbor and biggest rival. It's the ancient home of Japan's formal culture and has continued to be a major influence over the centuries which saw the adoption of Chinese writing, philosophy, religion, architecture, food, technology and trade.

Since the decline of China in the Qing Dynasty, it has also represented a frontier land of exploitation and opportunity. Taiwan was ceded to Japan by the treaty of Shimonoseki after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-5, and the subsequent decades saw Manchuria and great swaths of eastern China fall to Japanese military predation, commercial exploitation and outright colonialism.

Following the defeat of Japan in 1945, territories taken from China were relinquished, but a vast civil war swept the mainland with the resultant communist victory in 1949. Taiwan, the last holdout of the Kuomintang effectively broke its links with the mainland again, a rupture further deepened with the outbreak of a Cold War that divided the world into communist and non-communist camps. Taiwan became part of Japan's sphere of economic interest once more, while trade and exchange with the mainland was reduced to almost nothing. The bamboo curtain was up and China was out of the picture, isolated and contained by the US, now the dominant Pacific power.

The opening of mainland China to the US and Japan in the 1970's represented yet another big shift, and with normalization, China began to reassume an active role, increasingly integrated into the trade and diplomacy of East Asia. There were setbacks, such as followed the Tiananmen massacre in Beijing, but Japan remained bullish on China trade well into the late 1990's.

US trade and influence in China soon eclipsed that of Japan, and then China's economy started to eclipse that of Japan itself. This led to the current period, where Japan is vexed by a China that is both economic competitor and military rival. Various issues related to the long and deeply intertwined history of China and Japan since 1894 have resurfaced, raising thorny questions of history, sovereignty, mutual dignity, commemoration of war dead and compensation for wartime losses.

The China section in large Japanese bookstores is appropriately vast, with books new and old telling the story of the rise and fall and rise and fall of Sino-Japanese relations. There are scholarly books on history, philosophy, religion, poetry and the art of war and journalistic books recent topics of conflict and discord, such as Taiwan, Tiananmen, the Senkaku/Diaoyu islets, and difficulties in trade and business.

Books published in the last few years especially reflect the doubt, uncertainty and deep chill that has set in since a recent series of military spats over the disputed sovereignty of Diaoyu/Senkaku, diplomatic outrage about continued commemoration of war dead, including war criminals, at Yasukuni Shrine, and fears for trade and investment following the ugly anti-Japan rioting in China in 2010.

Below is a sampling of paperback books on China collected from bookstores in Tokyo and Kyoto during April and May 2014. China sells, but the slant of the most recent spate of China books is overwhelmingly negative; largely in the vein of know your enemy and rival. There are still books touting the precious wisdom of China and even a few guides to investment, but the topics favored during better times have been largely replaced with belligerent tomes about a country that can't be trusted, ranging from diatribes calling for a cut off of relations with China, to journalistic accounts of communist mismanagement, human rights abuse and unfair trade practices. Taiwan, which is set apart from China in the public mind due to its long shared history with Japan and its relative isolation from the political currents sweeping mainland China, is a China sub-topic worth noting as well. Japanese authors find much to like in Taiwan, and some Taiwanese pundits weigh in on the issues, taking the side of Japan.























































A sample of China-related books on sale in the gift shop of Yasukuni Shrine's Yushukan Museum, touching on "the Nanking Incident, Li Teng-hui and the Senkaku islands.


TRYING TO MAKE SENSE OF CHINA ON JAPANESE COMMERCIAL TV


KOYAMA: HIDDEN FORTRESS OF FANTASY JAPAN MANGA, ANIME AND SUSHI IN THE HEART OF BEIJING

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A photo essay of a manga and anime themed restaurant in Sanlitun, Beijing









































LESSONS FROM THE FIRST SINO-JAPANESE WAR

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Film poster for "Jiawudahaizhan" (2012) which examines the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894-5



This coming August marks the 120th anniversary of the First Sino-Japan war that broke out in the summer of 1894 and was largely fought at sea, much to China’s detriment. Japan’s newly revamped and modernized navy made quick work of the out-of-date and moribund Qing Dynasty naval forces and in doing so changed the course of history.

The fighting was fierce but brief and within a year Japan’s stunning victory had radically altered the political map, not to mention the fate and fortunes of millions, for decades to come. Korea, which had long been a vassal state of China, fell under the boot of Japanese control, while the Chinese province of Taiwan and associated islands were ceded to Japan in the lopsided peace settlement of Shimonoseki, a peace without honor that deprived the China of both vital land and immense treasure.

In 1911 Chinese republicans overthrew the corrupt Qing dynasty, but years of feudal misrule had left China unable to stop the predations of outside powers. In response to collapse, anarchy and decay, two major projects of national self-strengthening were underway, one led by Mao Zedong, mostly in rural areas; the other led by Chiang Kai-shek in the cities. They shared a goal of a strong, united China when they weren’t trying to kill each other, like two tigers seeking to dominate the same mountain.

Meanwhile, Japan continued to modernize and industrialize, its resource base vastly enriched due to the spoils of Shimonoseki. In addition to colonial control of Taiwan and Korea, and many a strategic islet in between, Japan used stealth and outright audacity to gain an intimidating military position on the Chinese mainland. Using Korea and coastal ports as a springboard, Manchuria was decimated and reconfigured to serve as a Japanese hinterland.




Japanese kimono print commemorates Sino-Japanese War (from Hawaii Star-Bulletin) 


The Second Sino-Japanese war can be dated to 1931 when Japan launched its colonial invasion of Manchuria. Tensions simmered for six more years because the Nanjing government, under the iron-fisted control of KMT leader Chiang Kai-shek, did not consider it advantageous to confront Japan directly. But patriotic resistance mounted and by 1937 it took only a small skirmish on the Marco Polo Bridge on the outskirts of Beijing for all-out war to break loose.

The death and destruction that followed shook Asia to its foundations and is still passionately argued about today.

This year marks the 100th anniversary of the outbreak of World War I, and there has been pointed commentary to the effect that the lessons of that war, largely a European internal affair, somehow apply to the rising tensions between China and Japan today.

There may be indeed by uncanny parallels, for war is always folly and common sense is a predictable casualty as two sides square off, but it is the Sino-Japanese wars that are most relevant to the discussion. As American wit Mark Twain liked to point out, history doesn’t necessarily repeat but it sure does like to rhyme.

So what tragic echoes from the past and what sympathetic vibrations might help China and Japan avoid a face-off while trying to preserve face?

-Wars are rooted in miscalculation, each side trying to make the other blink first on the way to a rapid, total victory.

-Both Sino-Japanese wars started small and limited in scope; a clash at sea, a skirmish on a bridge. But a multiplier effect sets in once blood is drawn and things can quickly unravel out of control.

-Diplomatic negotiations tend to founder, and in effect become an expression of war by other means, if over-confidence and intransigence results in ultimatums rather than genuine mutual accommodation.

-Each side tends to over-estimate its own ability, while underestimating its rival.

-Korea’s thorny domestic politics have ensnared its neighbors, but it is also gets pitifully caught in the crossfire between them. Seen alternately as a dagger pointed at Japan or a springboard to invade the mainland, the Korean peninsula can become a proxy battlefront between the two.

-The infrastructure of Manchuria, train lines in particular, were key factors in both wars.

-Naval power is a strategic necessity for resource-poor Japan, while China's vast hinterland is its greatest strategic strength.

-Securing an alliance with a prevailing Atlantic power, such as Japan did with the UK the first time around, or with the US, as China did the second time around, can thwart one’s rival and alter the outcome.

-Small islands can assume strategic importance of asymmetrical proportions, influencing the fate of millions. In the first Sino-Japanese war, control of the Penghu Islands gave Tokyo a chokehold by which to exact control of Taiwan. The key battles of Japan’s Pacific war are like a roll call of otherwise obscure islands. Midway, Guam, Saipan, Guadalcanal, Iwo Jima and, of course, Okinawa. Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor, itself an island outpost, was launched from the remote Kurile Islands.

-The Diaoyu/Senkaku islets, though not specifically stipulated as Japanese spoils in the treaty of Shimonoseki, fell under de facto control of Japan-administered Taiwan after 1895, and then later came under the benign neglect of American administration with the capitulation of Japan in 1945. The islets were of no importance in either war.

-Russia is in a geo-strategic position to benefit from any vacuum created by conflict between China and Japan. In both first and second wars, Russia made significant inroads into Manchuria as the Japanese threat receded.

-When China and Japan clash, the entire Asia-Pacific is shaken to its foundation. As the anniversary of the first Sino-Japanese war approaches, it is a good time to recall the lost live and unforgivably high cost of trading diplomacy and trade for armed raids and warfare.











 Japan's victory in 1895 paved way to seize Manchuria but led to defeat in 1945

CHINA'S TV WAR MACHINE

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New York Times
The Opinion Pages| OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
China's TV War Machine
By PHILIP J. CUNNINGHAM     SEPT. 11, 2014

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China, the late 1930s. A village is under siege by Japanese troops. A band of Chinese youth who would not look out of place riding skateboards in contemporary Beijing waits in ambush, guns in hand. As a sinister Japanese troop transport hurtles toward them, the hip Chinese guerrillas use a trip wire and an improvised explosive device to set off a blinding explosion. The bomb fails to kill all of the Japanese soldiers, who are bent on revenge as the episode comes to an end. But there is little suspense: Everyone knows that China will prevail.
This scene from “Enemy Troops at the Village Gate” is one of the many dozens of virulently anti-Japanese wartime dramas airing this season in China. About 100 anti-Japan films and nearly 70 TV programs were produced in 2013, according to Reuters, which estimates that the genre holds as much as 70 percent of the market. Despite waning viewer interest, the new season promises much more of the same.
The government has ordered TV stations to increase the airing of “patriotic” shows, of which anti-Japan dramas are exhibit No. 1. On Aug. 15, the anniversary of Japan’s surrender, a headline in the Global Times, a party newspaper, said, “Prime time TV to be more anti-fascist.”
China has a long tradition of producing war movies for propaganda purposes, mostly good-versus-evil dramas drawn from the all-too-real and brutal war against Japan. The classic of the genre is “Tunnel Warfare,” produced in the 1960s and seen by billions of Chinese, which depicts resourceful Chinese insurgents outsmarting Japanese invaders by digging a network of tunnels.
In recent years, such government-sanctioned dramas have taken off, fueled by increasing tensions between China and Japan, and Beijing’s strategy of stirring up nationalism for domestic political purposes.
With the collapse of Communism in all but name, nationalism has become China's new ideology, and antipathy to Japan, past and present, has been seized upon as a way to shore up patriotic fervor. A common enemy is presumed to promote unity, and provides a useful political distraction at a time when China is burdened with domestic discontent and economic unease.
Propagating popular suspicion of Japan also offers political cover to the Chinese military, which is rearming and expanding air and sea patrols at an alarming rate while using the perception of a Japanese threat to justify its actions.
Talking to Chinese directors and producers in Beijing while researching Sino-Japanese cultural issues as an Abe journalism fellow this past spring, I learned, once I got past the raised eyebrows provoked by the logo on my business card (the Abe fellowship was created by the father of Japan’s current prime minister) that producing TV dramas about Japan is about opportunity, not artistic vision.
The surge in anti-Japanese entertainment is the result of business decisions based on the financial realities of dealing with state-run TV stations, which operate in service of the Communist Party. Quite simply, production companies have learned to churn out shows that are most likely to make it past the censors. Producers pump out dramas that pay lip service to the party line in return for easy green-lighting and distribution deals.
But when the government acts as midwife in the marketing of nationalism as entertainment, there can be unintended consequences.
The genre, ridden with clichés, sex, flying kung-fu kicks and impossible feats of violent valor, has become something of a joke among Chinese viewers. When a bare-handed hero splits an enemy in half, top to bottom, while another downs enemy planes with hand grenades, the deluge of scorn and mockery on social networks indicates how badly the propaganda has backfired.
In 2013 there was so much sniggering on the Internet that China’s State Administration of Radio, Film and Television, which encouraged and enabled the production of the shows in the first place, joined the critical bandwagon, accusing some writers and producers of “not respecting history.”
Though the Communist Party had not lost its appetite for anti-Japanese content, a well-researched CCTV April 2013 exposé on shoddy drama served as a veiled warning to producers to stay on message: Popular television must promote the Communist Party and not become an object of mockery. The censorship-free zone granted to anti-Japan dramas is valid only as long as it is useful to the party.
Because stoking nationalism is playing with political fire, the party is vigilant about guiding its anti-Japan campaign. The current course appears to be keeping things bubbling without boiling over or going cold. There’s a lot at stake in Chinese-Japanese diplomacy, trade and military matters, so Beijing finds it useful to keep the frontal assaults contained in the cultural sphere.
Though “anti-fascist” entertainment is broadcast every hour of the day, every day of the week, the government’s strategy has had mixed results.
Chinese tourists flock to Japan in record numbers, and Japanese food, design, anime and manga are popular. Yet many other Chinese are as anti-Japan as ever. Incidents of actual aggression against Japanese people are rare, but xenophobic comments pop up often.
For example, the wartime epithet “guizi,” referring to Japanese as devils, repeated on Chinese TV hundreds of times a day, frequently makes the leap into real-world conversation. One only has to ask a Beijing taxi driver, or even a college student about Japan, and the word is bound to follow, sometimes playfully, sometimes not.
The hand that stokes the fire is also needed to tamp it down, which is why the party likes to have the first and last word on the subject.
I learned this as a guest commentator at CCTV, under the hot lights of talk-show television. During a break in a live broadcast about China’s space program in August 2006, news of then-Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s visit to the Yasukuni war shrine broke on the wires, which I duly mentioned when back on air.
The criticism was immediate. “You can’t announce news about Japan! The government hasn’t decided how to handle it yet.”
Then as now, the party clings close to its erstwhile enemy and economic rival. Whether it’s the drama of breaking news or even just a TV serial drama, when it comes to Japan, you can be sure the message has been managed.
Philip J. Cunningham has worked in television and film in China and Japan since 1986. His latest book, “Tiananmen Moon: 25th Anniversary Edition,” was published earlier this year.
A version of this op-ed appears in print on September 12, 2014, in The International New York Times. 

NANKIN MACHI: A FANTASY OF OLD CHINA LOST IN TIME

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A stroll through Kobe's gated Chinatown gives the visitor not so much a glimpse of China as it gives a glimpse of a Japan-imagined China, replete with red lanterns, pigtailed dolls, kungfu heroes and panda bears. The proprietors range from ethnic Chinese long resident in Japan  --so effortlessly acculturated in things Japanese as to know what works best with Japanese customers-- to newer "Asian" style vendors whose eateries are promoted by loud street side touts. Most restaurants are staffed by workers and students from the bustling cities of Hong Kong, Taipei and Shanghai. Nankin Machi is neutral territory, where the Sino-Japanese tensions that one learns about in the news are non-issues. It's a people-to-people apolitical culture zone, a culinary Disneyland, high on affect, low on authenticity. The menus present much that is so familiar --jiaozi, mantou, noodles-- as to be a kind of local comfort food. Despite the diverse and exotic exteriors, the shop menus tend to repeat themselves,  variations on the theme of Chinese-style food that Japanese like to eat when they go out for "Chinese" food.

Nankin Machi embraces both classical Chinese cultural tropes and light-hearted media-driven cliches, with emphasis on the feminine side of things. The very name, Nanking, summons up the China of an earlier day, when Nanking was the capital. It turns its back on the march of history, and the terrible intersection of Japan in China that culminated in the Nanking Massacre of 1937.  It predates all that, and in effect, pretends it never happened, making for an easy, innocuous  journey into an imaginary Middle Kingdom with a Japanese accent, a nice place for a night out.



Chang An Gate in Kobe's Nankin Machi

















































Chinese food outside Nankin Machi  - -Xiao Fei Niu across from Sanomiya Station






NHK: CITIZEN-FUNDED, ABE-CONTROLLED

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"Let's take back Japan" is code for "Let's trash history to put Japan in best possible light"





BY PHILIP J CUNNINGHAM

NHK, Japan’s answer to BBC, is apparently mulling a ban on topics of historical contention such as “comfort women” the “Nanking Massacre” and thorny territorial disputes. This is as predictable as it is disappointing. The gist of the gag order is: don't report the news, report the Abe government's take on the news, don't reference history, refer instead to the fairy tale that neo-nationalist Abe Shinzo likes to call "Beautiful Japan."

The thrust of the new policy is to whitewash, if not deny outright, the amply documented bad behavior of Japan during its war of invasion in China. The orders, reported by Richard Lloyd Parry in the Times of London, clearly reflect the thinking of Japan’s Prime Minister Abe, who is well-known for wearing strident nationalism on his sleeve. As Abe has suggested in his book “Beautiful Japan” and has said repeatedly as a sop to his revisionist political base, Japan needs to offer its youth a brighter vision of Japan’s past than the truth, as expressed in textbooks and newspapers, currently allows for.

Naturally this won’t play well in China, nor does it jibe with the interests of good journalism anywhere, and that’s where NHK’s policy shift looks interesting. The ever-changing editorial line is sometimes hard on China, sometimes easy on China, but consistently subservient to Japan's ruling party. 

There was a time, not so long ago, when NHK went out of its way not to offend or criticize China, even in the aftermath of the horrific bloodletting in the heart of Beijing on June 4, 1989. As a contract employee at NHK during the post-Tiananmen period on China-related matters, I was constantly wrestling with taboo topics and editorial red lines, written and unwritten, that guided what could and couldn’t be said about China. It was patently clear that the three T’s --Tiananmen, Tibet and Taiwan- were to be avoided or tip-toed around at all costs. NHK recognized, not incorrectly, that Beijing's recalcitrant leadership regarded these matters as core issues. As for motivation, NHK's remit went beyond journalism and included a vital public relations role; it did not want to ruffle feathers or risk a then-booming bilateral trade. 

While working as a TV producer at NHK in 1991, I used the phrase “ideological drift” to describe the atmosphere in post-Tiananmen China in a script I wrote for China Now, a magazine format TV news show that culled footage from CCTV and NHK to highlight trends on the mainland. After the show aired on satellite TV, the Chinese Foreign Ministry voiced an objection to the notion that a Japanese TV show should criticize China in this way. NHK quickly apologized, blaming the indelicate wording on the “gaijin.” I kept my job, but the screws tightened on what kind of words I could use and what topics could be covered.

Part of this reflects the hybrid institutional culture of Japan's biggest TV station. NHK models itself after BBC’s non-governmental fee-based model, and yet frequently functions as a state-run TV would, taking the government position on controversial political issues and serving as the voice of the nation to the outside world. This quasi-governmental structure, funded by the public, yet guided by the state, on whom it depends for only a tiny but critical fraction of its funding, means that the “voice of Japan” is either going to reflect the prejudices of the incumbent government, or it is going to go to great lengths to preserve its independence by being neutral and politically correct to the point of being neutered.

A more trivial example of how editorial policy served as a guide to censoring content involved the word "Disneyland." The script in question invoked the name of the American theme park in a descriptive passage about the Qing Dynasty imperial pleasure palace Chengde, which I described as an "ancient Disneyland.” NHK, though deeply in bed with Japanese industry, especially the electronics sector, took exception to the fact that I named an American company. This went against its policy of brandishing brand names, lest it be accused of free advertising or commercial favor.

Curiously enough, NHK did not require me to get a work visa for the first year I worked there, joking that it was unnecessary as I was working for the government anyway, and when I did formalized my visa status a year later, I was personally whisked through immigration by the brother of a prominent LDP minister.

In May 1992, while moonlighting as a rewriter on the graveyard shift for Radio Japan, NHK’s answer to VOA or BBC's World Service, I got a better feel how words mattered, and how a phone call could change a story like night and day. NHK’s coverage of political unrest in Thailand had taken the line that Bangkok street demonstrations were disruptive, part of an anti-government movement. Every time I tried to use the phrase “democracy movement” it got cut. The cruel Bangkok crackdown that came to be known as “Black May” saw the Thai military government step down to be replaced by a civilian government, thanks to timely intervention by King Bhumiphol. As the crisis began to resolve itself, Radio Japan got a late-night phone call from someone in the Foreign Ministry, instructing it to henceforth use the term “democracy movement” and so it did.

The point is, NHK is far more than a news and entertainment TV station. It is also a critical component of Japan’s self-presentation to the world and an intelligence organization, in the best sense of the word. I eventually quit China Now because the program was being used, in part, as cover to move funds and personnel into China at a time when Japan was eager to buy influence there. The credits to the program I worked on as producer/writer included the names of many people I had never met and never would meet. But they were going back and forth from Tokyo to Beijing under NHK and China Nowauspices, spending some $10,000 a day according to my supervisor, NHK’s former Beijing bureau chief.

As with BBC, which famously refused to broadcast the voices of Sinn Fein and pro-IRA Irish politicians by fiat from London, and has long played highly cooperative role with British diplomacy, as evidenced by the firing of journalist Andrew Gilligan and in its collusion with the government during the deeply compromised Hutton Inquiry, NHK exudes a governmental tone even as it strives for editorial independence.

NHK’s current chairman, Momii Katsuto is an Abe political ally famous for bullying NHK into toeing the government line on issues such as territorial disputes and reports about  “comfort women.” The station remains mired in a top-down bureaucracy where image counts almost as much as news, and where the goal of a journalist practitioner is not just to inform but to produce a public relations product that casts Japan in the kindest light possible, even if it means ignoring well-established truths.

The author, who won a Nieman Fellowship based on his reporting from China and Japan, was most recently an Abe Journalism Fellow '14. 


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